• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.226-245
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• 2019

Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng (Large Buddhist Painting), designated as Treasure No. 1259, was painted in 1766 and featured Yeorae (Buddha) at the center in the style of a single figure. It is the longest existing buddhist painting and was created by Duhun, a painter who was representative of 18th century Korean artists. His other remaining work is Seokgayeorae Gwaebultaeng (1767) in Tongdosa Temple. Considering their same iconography, they are assumed to have used the same underdrawing. Duhun had a superb ability to maintain a consistent underdrawing, while most painters changed theirs within a year. The Beopjusa painting carries significance because it was not only painted earlier than the one in Tongdosa, but also indicates possible relevance to the royal family through its records. Beopjusa Temple is also the site of Seonhuigung Wondang, a shrine housing the spirit tablet of Lady Yi Youngbin, also known as Lady Seonhui. Having been built only a year before Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng was painted, it served as a basis for the presumption that it has a connection to the royal family. In particular, a group of unmarried women is noticeable in the record of Beopjusa painting. The names of some people, including Ms. Lee, born in the year of Gyengjin, are recorded on the Bonginsa Temple Building, the construction of which Lady Yi Youngbin and Princess Hwawan donated money to. In this regard, they are probably court ladies related to Lady Yi Youngbin. The connection of Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng with the royal family is also verified by a prayer at the bottom of the painting, reading "JusangJusamJeonhaSumanse (主上主三殿下壽萬歲, May the king live forever)." While looking into the historical characteristics of this art, this study took an approach based on scientific analysis. Damages to Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng include: bending, folding, wrinkles, stains due to moisture, pigment spalling, point-shaped pigment spalling, and pigment penetration to the lining paper at the back. According to the results of an analysis of the painting pigments, white lead was used as a white pigment, while an ink stick and indigo were used for black. For red, cinnabar and minium were used independently or were combined. For purple, organic pigments seem to have been used. For yellow, white lead and gamboge were mixed, or gamboge was painted over white lead, and gold foil was adopted for storage. As a green pigment, atacamite or a mixture of atacamite and malachite was used. Azurite and smalt were used separately or together as blue pigments.

• Korean Journal of Crystallography
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.8-19
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• 1996

Cholestryl Methyl and Propyl Carbonate(CH3OCOOC27H45, C3H7OCOOC27H45) are monoclinic, space group P21, with a=17.014(1), b=7.682(1), c=10.612(1)Å, β=103.05(1)°, Z=2, V=1351.16Å3, Dc=1.09 g/cm3 for methyl carbonate, and with a=13.683(1), b=11.864(2), c=18.904(2)Å, β=106.30(1)°, Z=4, V=2945.4Å3, Dc=1.06 g/cm3, Dm=1.06 g/cm3 for propyl carbonate. The intensity data were collected on an Enraf-Nonius CAD-4 diffractometer with a graphite monochromated Cu-Kα radiation. The structure was solved by direct methods and refined by full matrix least-squares methods. The final R factor was 0.051 for 2323 observed reflections for methyl carbonate and 0.074 for 3323 observed reflections for propyl carbonate. Compared with other cholesteryl derivatives, the cholesteryl ring and tail region of the molecules are normal. The molecules are stacked in clearly separated layers. At center of the layer, there are cholesteryl-C(17) side chain interactions. The interface region between layers is occupied by the loosely packed methyl carbonate chains. The structure of cholesteryl propyl carbonates have two propyl carbonates have two molecules(A, B) that are not related by crystal symmetry and have their tetracyclic system almost parallel to each other. Cholesteryl-cholesteryl interactions between symmetry related A-molecules, and cholesteryl-C(17) side chain interactions between symmetry related B-molecules occur at the center of the layers and these molecules stack along 2₁ screw axes. There are also C(17)chain-carbonate chain and C(17)chain-C(17)chain interactions in the interface region between layers. There is efficient packing between cholesteryl ring systems in propyl carbonates. Temperature ranges of cholesteric mesophases of cholesteryl alkyl cargonates are narrow for methyl, pentyl and hexyl carbonates, and rather broader for ethyl and propyl carbonates. Cholesteryl-isotropic transitions change very little with chain length.

• Korean Chemical Engineering Research
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• v.44 no.6
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• pp.588-596
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• 2006

The surface of polystyrene membrane treated by Ar, $O_2$ plasma, and the effects were observed before and after the treatment and permeability of $CO_2$, $N_2$ and selectivity of $CO_2$ relative to $N_2$ was measured using continuous flow gas permeation analyzer (GPA). The mole ratio of O over C in the surface was increased from 0 to 0.179 with Ar plasma treatment and route mean square of surface was increased from $15.86{\AA}$ to $71.64{\AA}$. Therefore the contact angle was decreased from $89.16^{\circ}$ to $18.1^{\circ}$. Thus Plasma treatments made surface of membrane tend to be highly hydrophilic. The optimum condition for the $CO_2$ permeability and ideal selectivity of the plasma treated membrane was as follows: the measurement of Ar (60 W, 2 min, $70^{\circ}C$) plasma treatment was $1.14{\times}10^{-12}[m^3(STP){\cdot}m/m^2{\cdot}sec{\cdot}atm]$ and 4.22. In the case of $O_2$ plasma treatment, the contact angle was decreased at $13.56^{\circ}$ with increase of O/C ratio ($0.189{\AA}$) and route mean square of surface ($57.10{\AA}$). The optimum condition for the $CO_2$ permeability and ideal selectivity of the plasma treated membrane was as follows: the measurement of $O_2$ (90 W, 2 min, $70^{\circ}C$) plasma treatment was $7.1{\times}10^{-12}[m^3(STP){\cdot}m/m^2{\cdot}sec{\cdot}atm]$ and 11.5. After plasma treatment, the changes of membrane surface were all subtly linked with both cross-linking and etching effects. Finally, it was confirmed that the gas permeation capacity and selectivity of the modified membrane with plasma could be improved by an appropriate control of the plasma conditions such as treatment time, the power input and sort of plasma gas.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-36
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to infer the aspects and significance of Musa basjoo of latter part of Chosun Dynasty by analyzing the planting tendency and planting location of Musa basjoos drawn in total 77 old paintings and the characteristics of the paintings where Musa basjoos appeared, while trying to understand symbolic meanings of floral languages as well as the images and significance of Musa basjoos which appeared in the prose and poetry of Chosun Dynasty, and the results are as follows; With its floral languages of 'waiting', 'parting' and 'beauty', Musa basjoo represented the wealth and resuscitation and it aroused the elegance of hermits in its Taoistic sense. And it also represented 'the unworldliness to get out of transient human affairs' in its Buddhistic sense. Musa basjoos which appeared in 'Garden Custom Painting(庭園雅集圖)', 'Gosa Figure Painting(故事人物圖)' and 'Gyehoe Painting(契會圖)' is considered a device to increase the unworldly atmosphere of gardens and to dignify the elegant meetings of scholars, reflected by the high appearance frequencies of cranes and deer. And it seems that the meaning of Musa basjoo in certain paintings like 'Life-time Paintings(平生圖)', 'Castle City Painting(盛市圖), and 'Cultivating and Weaving Painting(耕織圖)' is an aspiration for wealth and prosperity, and the Musa basjoos planted in temples are considered to have symbolic meanings of aspiration for 'Salvation through Belief' as well as a unworldly meaning which reminds the transiency of human affairs. In addition, the expected effect of experiencing 'the sound of rain falling on the leaves of Musa basjoo' has been pursued, which can be confirmed by the fact that Firmiana simlex with wide leaves similar to Musa basjoo can be frequently spotted near the houses. Meanwhile, Musa basjoos seem to have been planted mainly in front garden or side garden around detached house and Musa basjoos inside the houses seem to have been planted mainly in right side when viewed from the entrance, in relation with the location of bedrooms where it is easier to hear the sounds from the right side of the environment. And the paintings where Musa basjoos appear with strange rocks and bizarre stones among other things have greater part of all the paintings, which is considered a kind of intentional landscaping and a product of mixed materials for elegant appreciation. And the major characters of the painting were involved in the activities of scholars such as arts, and the activities of minor characters were greatly related to their everyday lives. Musa basjoo of Chosun Dynasty in $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century was one of the symbols necessary for description of gardens. And it provided the images of rainy scenes together with scholar culture which had a meaning of self-discipline, and it is assumed that the planting of Musa basjoo with the spirit of cease lessen deavor of a new leaf pushing up the tree and the spirit of resuscitation had the same trace of wheels in the city space of our country as the decline of scholar culture of Chosun Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.14-19
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• 2007

This study was conducted to analyze the antioxidant activity and xanthine oxidase inhibitory effect of hot-water extracts from Elaeagnus multiflora Thunb. to provide fundamental data for the development of functional materials. The antioxidative activities of hot-water extracts from E. multiflora Thunb. were analyzed by electron donating ability (EDA) using 1,1-diphenyl-2-picryl hydrazyl (DPPH), superoxide dismutase (SOD) -like activity by pyrogallol and nitrite scavenging ability. EDA of extracts from unripe, ripe, and overripe fruits were 77.7%, 36.0%, and 23.7% at 100 ${\mu}g/mL$, respectively, and EDA of extract in unripe fruits was higher than those of others. At 1,000 $\mu$g/mL, the SOD-like activities were 32.8%, 11.2% and 5.0% for unripe, ripe, and overripe fruits, respectively. The SOD-like activity was increased along with the increase of unripe and ripe extract concentrations. The nitrite scavenging ability of unripe fruit extracts in 100, 300, 500 ${\mu}g/mL$ of extraction solution in pH 1.2 and 3.0 was higher than those of others. The nitrate scavenging ability of all extracts was decreased according to the increase of pH. Xanthine oxidase inhibitory activities of unripe, ripe and overripe fruits were 30.0%, 28.2%, and 18.2% at 1,000 ${\mu}g/mL$, respectively.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.35-67
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• 2017

This paper examines the petition to the king of Doam(陶菴) Leejae(李縡), one of the key figures of 18th century. He wrote a total of 49 he petition to the king, mostly resignation petition to the king. He emphasized the genuine feelings and emphasized the accurate persuasion logic when he was writing a petition to the king. It is not contradictory to these elements, looking at his actual situation he wrote. He wrote the resignation petition to the king three times to resign Daejehak (大提學), he changed his persuasion logic in each of the resignation petition to the king. We can look at the aspect of transforming persuasion logic on the same topic. His resignation petition to the king, for the first time, was particularly well structured in terms of composition, and used a proper accent method. His resignation petition to the king has the beautiful literary art of gomun(古文), such as the expression of the so-called munjongjasoon(文從字順) and the composition of paragraph organically corresponding. The best work of his resignation petition to the king is Maneonso(萬言疏). The contents criticized Yeongjo(英祖)'s tangpyeongchaek(蕩平策) while evaluating Sinimoksa(辛壬獄事). It consists of a total of 5,300 letters. This work repeatedly used the irony, the method of seolui(設疑), and the incremental method to criticize the tangpyeongchaek(蕩平策), and put Yeongjo(英祖)'s position to the corner. This work is an example of other the resignation petition to the king.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.91-125
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• 2018

This study aims at attempting to make a new interpretation of Mencius from the point of social welfare. The thoughts of social welfare, found from Mencius, are temporal and humanistic and near to those in nowadays. Social welfare began under the name of philanthropic work, relief work, charitable work or social work from the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century on. Welfare means the whole social activities such as satisfying the fundamental desires of the social members, ensuring the conditions of their lives, and ultimately achieving social integration and stability. It means the conditions of their lives and wellbeing. Wellbeing means the minimal physical desires and psychological stability. The realization of the economic system through concept of steady livelihood and steady mind, tax system and well-field system, proposed by Mencius, can be ensured by the whole social activities such as ensuring the stable lives of the social members, enriching and satisfying their happiness and ultimately achieving social integration and stability. The thoughts of Mencius include people-as-root idea, which regards people as most important and tries to solve the instability and inequality that are the structural vulnerabilities in modern capitalist society. His concept of Way of the king means promoting people's sense of happiness through education of morality, based upon the people-as-root idea and filial and fraternal responsibilities. The main ideas of social welfare include living like a human being, ensuring minimal physical and psychological stabilities through social welfare system and welfare policy, enriching human dignity and freedom and enhancing the quality of lives. The thoughts of Mencius include all the above ideas. In particular, he desired to establish ethically and morally stable society by economically implementing the well-field system in Zhou dynasty, based upon politically benevolent governance of the politicians. That society was the people-as-root society, the realization of which was the ideal society Mencius desired to establish, and the goal of his thoughts on social welfare. This study, among the thoughts of Mencius, investigated his ideas on social welfare and the practical ethics for applying them to real society. In addition, to understand his ideas on social welfare, not only the social and economic backgrounds and conditions but also the political ideas at that time were also investigated. This will provide the opportunity to make more in-depth research of the elements of social welfare intrinsically contained in his thoughts.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.34
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• pp.115-147
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• 2017

This paper compared and reviewed the poetic theories and Chinese poems of the Korean author Kim Chang Heup and his Japanese counterpart, Kan Chazan. Kim Chang Heup and Kan Chazan shared largely the same opinions on poetry, and both rejected archaism. First, they did not just copy High Tang poetry. Instead, they focused on the (sometimes trivial) scenery right in front of them, and described the calm feelings evoked by what they had seen. They also adopted a sincere tone, instead of an exaggerated one, because both believed that poetry should be realistic. However the differences between the two poets are also noteworthy. Kim Chang Heup claimed that feelings and scenery meet each other within a literary work through Natural Law, and the linguistic expressions that mediate the two are philosophical in nature. However, Kan Chazan did not use Natural Law as a medium between feelings and scenery. Instead the Japanese writer said the ideal poetical composition comes from a close observation and detailed description of scenery. In sum, while Kim Chang Heup continued to express reason through scenery, Kan Chazan did not go further than depicting the scenery itself. In addition, Kim Chang Heup believed poetry was not only a representation of Natural Law, but also a high-level linguistic activity that conveys a poetic concern about national politics. As a sadaebu (scholar-gentry), he held literature in high esteem because he thought that literature could achieve important outcomes. On the other hand, Kan Chazan regarded it as a form of entertainment, thereby insisting literature had its own territory that is separate from that of philosophy or politics. In other words, whereas Kim Chang Heup considered literature as something close to a form of learning, Kan Chazan viewed it as art. One might wonder whether the poetics of Kim Chang Heup and Kan Chazan reflect their individual accomplishments, or if the characteristics of Chinese poetry that Korean and Japanese poets had long sought after had finally surfaced in these two writers. This paper argued that the two authors' poetics represent characteristics of Chinese poetry in Korea and Japan, or general characteristics of Korean and Japanese literatures in a wider sense. Their request to depict actual scenery in a unique way, free from the ideal model of literature, must have facilitated an outward materialization of Korean and Japanese literary characteristics that had developed over a long time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.36-59
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• 2021

This study infers the origin and production period of the , which is in the Onyang folk museum, through analysis and interpretation of the Haeju Palgyeong and exploration of the landscapes and traditions contained in the painting. The first collection of landscapes to Haeju was identified as Haeju Palgyeong by Ku Sa-meng (1531-1604). Yoo Man-ju, writing in 1782, referred to it as Go-palgyeong in 『Heumyeong』 while Haeju Palgyeong was defined as Geum-palgyeong (今八景), which is the Haeju Palgyeong in the earliest period confirmed by literature. is 'Boating on the Nam river (南江泛舟)', 'Lotus viewing at Buyongdang (芙蓉賞蓮)', 'Foot washing at Gwangseokcheon (廣石濯足)', 'Seokbyul at Haeunkyo (泣川送客)', 'Fishing at Haeunjeong (東亭釣魚)' and 'Sea view at Namsan( 南山望海)', and the final two contain a picture that contains 'Viewing the moon at Yeonghaeru (瀛海玩月)' and 'Writing contest and Archery at Baeklimjeong (栢林觀德)' The Suyang Chaemi(首陽採薇), Shingwang-jeoljeol (神光霽雪), and Jiseong falls (池城瀑布) of Gopalgyeong, which were excluded from Haeju Palgyeong, are all landscapes unfolding as a grand site of Suyangsan Mountain. is a result of the reorganization of Seunggyeong centered on Eupchi (邑治), away from the Suyangsan area. It has emerged as a seunggyeong of Haeju. The elaborateness of trying to contain the detailed prizes representing Haeju, such as the specialty sake of Haeju, is revealed. Most of the landscapes depicted in are historic and outstanding spots in Haemok, but the scenes of life related to daily life are properly arranged. In addition, Foot washing (濯足), Fishing(釣魚), Doing laundry (漂母), Lotus viewing (賞蓮), Sending guests (送客), Drinking (飮酒), sea viewing (望海), Moon viewing (玩月), Archery (射藝), Poetry (詩作), Drinking tea (飮茶), and Dancing (歌舞) are of various styles. Compared with the Gopalgyeongs, Haeju Palgyeong did not take into account the distribution of landscapes in the four seasons, and the small-sized view was also broken. When considering the time of the construction of Haeunjeong and the deterioration of Yeonghhoeru, it is believed that was produced in the early- to mid-18th century. is considered to be a painting that contributed to strengthening the sense of intimacy with the local people and promoting the pride of Haeju by showing the representative scenery of Haeju, such as scenic spots and customs, away from the ideal utopia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.120-141
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• 2015

This paper is a preliminary study of architectural characteristics of Jangdae (general's podium), which shows one of the technical changes in fortification of Joseon Dynasty. As a facility for commands of generals and training for officers and men, it was located inside a fortress. Although it is not certain when the first Jangdae was built, the number of them dramatically increased around 18th century. Since the top priority function of the Jangdae was the prospect, it was installed at the hilly spot with open architecture. In addition, the open structure of Eupseong fortress towers on the riverside banks could simultaneously offer the functions as viewing around and Jangdae. Since Jangdae was also a place for military drills and reviews of soldiers, a wide podium was positioned at the front to muster the soldiers. This feature was standardized in the space organization of Jangdae in Joseon, and a mere podium was installed unless the topographic restrictions allows enough space. On the other hand, as a place for a commander, the hierarchy of the Jangdae was revealed through a variety of architectural characteristics. The hierarchy was assigned to the commander's space through the altitude difference, and diverse ornaments were added to show a sense of class. The floor plan of the Jangdae building can be largely categorized into rectangle and square, and the typical sizes of the former are $5{\times}4$ Kans (traditional measuring unit between two columns) and $3{\times}2$ Kans. Out of these two types, buildings of $5{\times}4$ Kans were found in flat land and eupseong fortresses with large space, and the relatively smaller ones of $3{\times}2$ Kans in mountain fortresses. All buildings of square floor plan had $3{\times}3$ Kans style, and the center Kan was twice wider than the side Kan to make the central space wide. It seems that the purpose was to secure the interior space of the upper story because the center Kan accounts for the floor area of the upper story. Some Jangdae's had internal story to form overhead space. The multi-roofed tower style with eaves attached to the upper and lower story is found exclusively in Jangdae. The buildings shows the Onkanmulim style which extends Naejinju (inner column) of the lower story to be the Byeonju (outer column) of the upper story, and the log-framed floor in the upper floor was structured by inserting the Changbang (connecting beam) between the Naejinju's and joining the log frames. In addition, the towers in eupseong fortresses had log-framed floor in the upper floor by setting up the high Nuhaju (column underneath a roof) and joining Cheongbang to the upper part of the column while it cannot be regarded as multi-roofed because only the upper part has a roof.