• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• 제31호
• /
• pp.33-52
• /
• 2011

This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• 제43호
• /
• pp.9-32
• /
• 2014

Until now, the studies researching the Taoism theories of Joseon Dynasty have mainly dealt around the latter half of Joseon Dynasty. The reason for that was because the 5 cribs of a book Lao Tzu and the 2 crib of a book Changzi were produced after the Imjin-Year Korean-Japanese War(壬辰倭亂,Imjin Waeran). Therefore this thesis extracted the mentions about Taoism from about 200-year history records from Jeong Do-Jeon's Theory, which was the theoretical foundation for early days of Joseon's foundation and the history book King Taejong's Annals(太宗實錄) contained in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實 錄) and analyzed the extracted historic data as the first work contemplating how the Taoism theories were developed during the first half of Joseon Dynasty. From the analysis, this study drew out the findings as follows. Jeong Do-Jeon and Gwon Geun sharply criticized the Taoism for that it pursued for the techniques of longevity for oneself without moral. They tried to establish the identity of neo-Confucianism on the foundation criticizing the Taoism and the Buddhism. Since then, the Taoism was transformed through the 3 stages in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty. The first stage was the stage transformed 'Lao Tzu' as the witchcraft master of long-live, the technique of the taoist hermit and the super god in Taoism, and regarded the Taoism as heresy and excluded the Taoism. Second stage was the stage trying to see the book Lao Tzu as the core of Taoism theory separately from the 'Hermit Witchcraft' and the 'Taoist gods' the target of fortune-pursue religion beyond from the primary discussion of exclusion. Third stage was revealed as the respects on the art of politics and the art of living described in the book Lao Tzu. That is, the Taoism theories in the first half of Joseon Dynasty was developed with various spectrums from the early days of Joseon's foundation to 15~16 centuries beyond Joseon's strong suppression against the Taoism and the Buddhism in early days. That is the point that the Taoism in the first half of Joseon Dynasty can't be simply interpreted in the neo-Confucianism. During the firs half of Joseon Dynasty, the warm attitude toward the Taoism was created differently from the attitude against suppressing it as a cult, which had been created in the early days of Josen's foundation, and there appeared the changes accepting the art of living and the art of politics theoretically integrating with the Confucianism theories. That is, the book 'Lao Tus' became accepted as the Confucian country's arts of living and politics from a cult book pursuing for immoral log and immortal life. Such acception is revealed as the appearance actively interpreting the books about Laoism in the latter half o Joseon Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• 제35호
• /
• pp.161-188
• /
• 2009

Confucianism's concept of Ye is ruled by the absolute principle of the universe on one hand, and by "the rules of Ye(節文)" and "the rules of ceremony(儀則)", the principle of relative articulation on the other hand. The realizations of the absolute principle of Ye is depending on its usage in everyday life which is fundamentally conditioned by time and space. Thus, Ye's usage can be maximized when the fundamental principle and the condition of its usage make a mutual harmony. Of course, Ye and Ak(樂) are doing complementary roles for each other, since Ye is a principle of a division and Ak is a principle of combining features. However, the essence of Ye can be figured out as the characteristics of mutual reciprocity among things of hierarchy between the classes. Not only in Modern one But also in the medieval society, Ye was not a one-sided force. The essence of Ye does not retain the interests of an individual and the power of a group. If so, the formal aspects of Ye had been distorted. Confucianism demands a strict morality and ethics of a normal person as well as of the ruler. The characteristics of Ye is democratic and open to the condition of time and space. Yegyo should be rooted in everyday lives and realized as a usualness. Therefore, Shirak was an inevitable feature of Yegyo. During the 16th and the 17th century, Ye insinuated into everyday lives of the public in the Korean society. Yulgok Yiyi(李珥)'s Haejuhyangyak(海州鄕約) was estimated as the exemplary feature of Shirak.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• 제57호
• /
• pp.383-406
• /
• 2014

Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon (1513~1577) considered poetry as a part of his life. Therefore, this writer specifically focused on Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon's Chinese poems. The following is the conclusion from the materials discussed in this article. Mi-Am tried to understand literature in ethical perspective. The number of Chinese poems composed by Mi-Am is estimated to be about 300, and the number of pieces that this writer could find was 285. Also, Mi-Am took poem composition seriously, and put emphasis on content more than structure. Among Go Shi, Yul Shi, and Jul gu, Jul gu (especially Chil Un) is the largest in quantity, and it is presumed that he preferred Chil(seven) Un over Oh(five) Un. With regards to Go Shi, there are relatively many Jeon-Go. With regards to Jul gu, which was a poetry composing structure that Mi-Am could make the best use of, they were mostly about the daily lives. And with regards to Yul Shi, there were many poems that expressed his feelings about the real world and self-examination. Mi-Am's poems can be categorized into ones that he wrote when he was on exile, and ones that he wrote while serving for the king again after he got released from exile. During the exile period, self-discipline through learning, friendship, and love for the people were the main themes of his poems, and after being released and started serving for the king again, his poems were mostly about loyalty to the king, interaction with acquaintances, emotions, ancestor worship, self-examination, and conjugal affection through literary communion. Among Mi-Am's poems, there are many that have Eum Song Cha Un included in their titles, and the mainstream of his poems were related to daily lives or experiences. Also, most of them naturally and calmly expressed the fact itself without exaggerating. Mi-Am considered poetry as a part of his life and the fact that he practiced literary communion with his wife by writing poems about the ordinary things happened between him and his wife, Song Duk Bong, is worthy of notice.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• 제71호
• /
• pp.99-128
• /
• 2018

Zhōuyì周易 is intended to explain the affairs of human beings by observing the images and works of all things in the universe, abstracting them into the $b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦, calculating the process and inducing the outcome by the method of stalk divination, in which this paper finds the origin of natural scientific thought of Zhōuyì. The way of Zhōuyì's thought on the natural science is distinguished from that of the Western's. In the West, people dismantled the objects into the parts until they reached the atom and analyzed them by the principle of causality to draw an axiomatic truth. In the meantime Zhōuyì observed and studied the dynamic functions and changes of all things for the convergence of the whole. While the way of Zhōuyì's thinking could have not contributed to the development of modern scientific development, that of the West overwhelmed Asian development passing through the period of enlightenment during 16-17 century. This paper tries to articulate the points where Zhōuyì can share its theory with the contemporary science by finding the traces of scientific thoughts in Zhōuyì. It encounters its ground from the methodology of natural science and scientific statements proposed by Zhōuyì. The essential concepts of Zhōuyì are induced from all things in nature. This can be considered as the idea of '法自然'(emulating the patterns and examples from nature). Also they observed the images and changes seen by the habits of animals, plants and human beings to sense and perceive their laws. These are regarded as the methodology of natural science in Zhōuyì. As a book of divination, the way of stalk divination is designed to calculate the future by using the system of 'numbers'. 'tàijí太極', ' yīnyáng陰陽', 'four symbols四象', '$b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦' and 'wǔxíng五行' are the essential concepts of Zhōuyì to represents the dynamic phenomena and changes of the natural order. Among them '$b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦' is a presentment to explain the structure of the world not by the individual analysis of things but by the unification of the whole through the contradictions and interchanges among them to reach the new orders. As of now, the studies of Zhōuyì in Korea have focused on the traditional perspectives, such as political and ethical philosophy. Some of recent studies, having interpreted Zhōuyì with scientific inclination have generated controversy 'Can Zhōuyì be a science?', for which scholars have hard time to reach the agreement. This paper tries to find the headwaters of the contemporary natural science by elaborating the methodology of natural science stated in Zhōuyì.

• Journal of Marine Life Science
• /
• 제2권1호
• /
• pp.20-26
• /
• 2017

In this study, we evaluated the toxic effects of heavy metals (As, Cr and Pb) on the population growth rate (r) of the marine diatom, Skeletonema costatum. The r of the species was determined after 96 h (4 days) exposure to As (0, 0.31, 0.63, 1.25, 2.50 and 5.00 mg L^-1), Cr (0, 0.16, 0.31, 0.63, 1.25 and 2.50 mg L^-1) and Pb (0, 1.25, 2.50, 5.00, 10.00 and 20.00 mg L^-1). It was observed that r in the control (absence of As, Cr and Pb) were greater than 0.04, however suddenly decreased with increased heavy metal concentrations. As, Cr and Pb reduced r in a dose-dependent manner and a significant reduction were occurred at concentration of greater than 0.31, 0.31 and 5.00 mg L^-1, respectively. Based on the toxicity, the heavy metal were ranked as Cr>As>Pb, with EC₅₀ (50% effective concentration) values of 0.80, 2.57 and 13.88 mg L^-1, respectively. The lowest-observed-effective-concentration (LOEC) of r in exposed to As, Cr and Pb were 0.63, 0.63 and 10.00 mg L^-1, respectively. Precisely, a concentration of greater than 0.63 mg L^-1 of As, 0.63 mg L^-1 of Cr and 10.00 mg L^-1 of Pb in marine ecosystems induced toxic effect on the r of S. costatum. Based on our results, we suggested that the r of S. costatum might be a useful bio-indicator for the toxicity assessment of heavy metals on the producer in marine ecosystems.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• 제9권5호
• /
• pp.255-262
• /
• 2023

In the early 20th century, Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe (念齋 宋泰會, 1872-1941), a disciple and onetime adopted son of teacher Song Su-myeon(宋修勉, 1847-1916), moved to Gochang and laid the foundation for Gochang calligraphy and painting, and it can be seen that a full-fledged flow began. Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe was a scholar and calligrapher of the late Joseon Dynasty and modern period from Hwasun, Jeollanam-do. He is a person who created the foundation of Gochang calligraphy and painting while working as an educator in Chinese literature, calligraphy, and painting, mainly in his hometown of Hwasun and Gochang, while engaging in creative activities. He was intelligent from a young age and showed an extraordinary talent for calligraphy. At the age of 16, he passed the Jinsa exam (童蒙進士) and became the youngest student to study at Sungkyunkwan. He was active by holding exhibitions nationwide based in Gochang and Jeonju, and was also an educator who fostered younger students by establishing Gochang High School (currently, Gochang Middle and High School) to cultivate national spirit and history. Yeomjae drew strong and healthy landscape paintings under the absolute influence of the painting style of Saho Song Su-myeon, and dealt with various materials of southern school literati paintings such as flowers and birds and four plants. In particular, he is a representative calligrapher who encompasses the early modern era and the modern era in that he expressed his interest in new cultural artifacts as well as the realization of a modern-oriented realistic landscape based on Korean natural beauty. He laid the foundation for modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. Goam Lee Eung-no (顧菴 李應魯, 1904-1989), a world-renowned painter, learned the basics of ink painting from Yeomjae in his late teens.However, compared to his various artistic and social activities, it is regrettable that he is limited and evaluated as a local writer.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• 제96권
• /
• pp.123-154
• /
• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
• /
• 제23권1호
• /
• pp.59-66
• /
• 2011

Purpose: Investigation of the clinical use of tangential fields technique using TOMO direct in comparison to conventional LINAC based radiation therapy after breast partial mastectomy. Materials and Methods: Treatment plans were created for 3 left-sided breast cancer patients who had radiation therapy after breast partial mastectomy by using wedged tangential fields technique, field in field technique (FIF), TOMO Direct, TOMO Direct intensity modulated radiation therapy (IMRT) under the normalized prescription condition ($D_{90%}$: 50.4 Gy/28 fx within CTV). Dose volume histogram (DVH) and isodose curve were used to evaluate the dose to the clinical target volume (CTV), organ at risk (OAR). We compared and analyzed dosimetric parameters of CTV and OAR. Dosimetric parameters of CTV are $D_{99}$, $D_{95}$, Dose homogeneity index (DHI: $D_{10}/D_{90}$) and $V_{105}$, $V_{110}$. And dosimetric parameters of OAR are $V_{10}$, $V_{20}$, $V_{30}$, $V_{40}$ of the heart and $V_{10}$, $V_{20}$, $V_{30}$ of left lung. Results: Dosimetric results of CTV, the average value of $D_{99}$, $D_{95}$ were $47.7{\pm}1.1Gy$, $49.4{\pm}0.1Gy$ from wedged tangential fields technique (W) and FIF (F) were $47.1{\pm}0.6Gy$, $49.2{\pm}0.4Gy$. And it was $49.2{\pm}0.4$ vs. $48.6{\pm}0.8Gy$, $49.9{\pm}0.4$ vs. $49.5{\pm}0.3Gy$ Gy for the TOMO Direct (D) and TOMO Direct IMRT (I). The average value of dose homogeneity index was W: $1.1{\pm}0.02$, F: $1.07{\pm}0.02$, D: $1.03{\pm}0.001$, I: $1.05{\pm}0.02$. When we compared the average value of $V_{105}$, $V_{110}$ using each technique, it was the highest as $34.6{\pm}9.3%$, $7.5{\pm}7.9%$ for wedged tangential fields technique and the value dropped for FIF as $16.5{\pm}14.8%$, $2.1{\pm}3.5%$, TOMO direct IMRT as $7.5{\pm}8.3%$, $0.1{\pm}0.1%$ and the TOMO direct showed the lowest values for both as 0%. Dosimetric results of OAR was no significant difference among each technique. Conclusion: TOMO direct provides improved target dose homogeneity over wedged tangential field technique. It is no increase the amount of normal tissue volumes receiving low doses, as oppose to IMRT or Helical TOMO IMRT. Also, it simply performs treatment plan procedure than FIF. TOMO Direct is a clinical useful technique for breast cancer patients after partial mastectomy.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
• /
• 제46권5호
• /
• pp.697-708
• /
• 1999

Background : Leukotriene (LT) $C_4$, $D_4$, and $E_4$, the main components of slow-reacting substance of anaphylaxis (SRS-A), have been suggested to play an important role in bronchial asthma such as antigen-induced bronchoconstriction, airway hyperreactivity, and pulmonary eosinophil accumulation. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effects of treatment with the cysteinyl-LTs (cys-LTs) antagonist, pranlukast on allergen-induced guinea pig asthma model. Methods : Guinea pigs of treatment and placebo groups were sensitized by subcutaneous injection of ovalbumin(OVA) and challenged by inhalation of aerosolized OVA (1% weight/volume OVA). Normal control group did not sensitize with OVA. Oral ingestion of pranlukast and normal saline to the treatment and placebo groups was performed. In the treatment and placebo groups, airway resistance was measured before and after oral ingestion. Serum $LTC_4$ and eosinophilic infiltration of the bronchiolar and peribronchiolar tissues were measured after ingestion in the treatment and placebo groups. Results : Allergen-induced airway constriction developed in 20 (8 in treatment group, 12 in placebo group) among 35 guinea pigs. Airway resistance was significantly decreased at 3 and 6 minutes after OVA challenge in the pranlukast treatment group. In the placebo group, there was no difference of airway resistance between before and after saline ingestion. Serum $LTC_4$ levels showed 348.4 pg/ml in the treatment group, 373.9 pg/ml in the placebo group, and 364.4 pg/ml in the control group. There were no statistically significant difference between treatment and placebo group (p=0.232), and treatment and control group (p=0.501). Eosinophilic infiltrations in the peribronchiolar region per one-microscopic field ($\times$400 high power fields) demonstrated 7.06 in the treatment group, 19.2 in the placebo group, and 4.50 in the control group. There was significant decrement of eosinophilic infiltration in the treatment group which was compared with placebo group (p=0.001). Conclusion : These results demonstrate that pranlukast, a cys-LTs receptor antagonist, can attenuate allergen induced early-phase bronchoconstriction and eosinophilic infiltration in the bronchiolar tissues.