• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.29-42
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• 1997

Our ancestors had done their best for the moral training and home management, further more for the governing a country through observing the decorums. The 4 main decorums, i. e. the Coming-of-Age Ceremony, Wedding Ceremony, Funeral Rites and the Ancestor worship Ceremony during the Chosun Dynasty had guided well our ancestors'life harmoiously. The Wedding Ceremonies of them was one of the most happy events in their lives meaningful of the filial piety and the union of two families. The Wedding ceremonies consist of the 6 etiquetes, i. e., Eui-Hon (matchmaking), N뮤-Chae (present), Nab-Pye(bride's presents to her parents-in-law), Chung-Gi(ask the other part about an auspicious day), Moon-Myung(choice of an auspicious day), Chin-Young(take and meet a bride) in order of sequence. Chin-Young consists of Cho-Hon, Sa-Dang-Go-Woo, Sung-Bok, Cho-Rye, Boo-Myung-Ji & Mo-Song, Jun-An-Rye, Hab-Geun-Rye, Sin-Bang-Chi-Reu-Gi, Hyun-Goo-Rye, Myo-Hyun and Jae-Haeng ete, considerably complicated programs in order.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.395-406
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• 1996

This article aims, by analyzing structurally the codification of dress sign in Korean society, the signifying system of the codes and their message communicated, to make clear a signifying structure that would be codified through the relationship between abstract concepts and real condition of dress. I used the semiotic theory of Ferdinand de Saussure′s conception on structuralismly the codification, cultural semiology of Roland Barthes and Myung-Sook Han′s formula of dress structure as tools analyse may objective of wedding dress of folks in Choson Dynasty, which has been successive our traditional Korean wedding dress. My results of the study are : The procedure of wedding ceremony in Choson Dynasty was presented in texts like Juga-garye, Sarye-peonram and Kukjo-orye, its dress system has been more emphasized on language, and aspect of social system, than parole, one of individual realization. In addition, the meanings of marrage such as "Oneness of bride and bridegroom", "Mixture of two sexes", "Blessing of good luck", were included in the signified like the style, pattern and color of the wedding dress, and specially, pattern and color, the articulated morphemes, was emphasized, When we combinated terms of dress in Choson Dynasty with syntagmatic, regarding their list as paradigmatic, it will signify a wedding dress, and according to combinating ways, it amy be divided as sign of dresses of bride and bridgeroom by sex or king, gentry and common people by class. Wedding Dress in Choson Dynasty = [{ODx(U/Dxu/d)}+AC·H·FW].

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.163-175
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• 1988

The purpose of this study was to find out the utilization status of Korean rice-cakes and the evaluation degrees of their commercial products by subjects. The subjects were 530 housewives lived in Seoul, Deajeon, Youngju city, and Secheon khun. We conducted this survey from November 16 to 28, 1987 by questionnaire method. The results obtained can be summarized as follows; 1. In the subjects' home, 37 kinds of Korean rice-cakes were used. All of them, Inchelmi (67.9%), Songpyeon (66.6%), Whinddeg (51.4%) and Gaepiddeg (43.4%) were frequently used. 2. All of ceremonial days, Korean rice-cakes were used most frequently on the wedding day but they were used scarecely on the funeral day. 3. On the birth day of children and adults, cakes were used more frequently than Korean rice-cakes. 4. All of Korean festival days, Korean rice-cakes were used most frequently on New Year's day. 5. In the future, most housewives (61.7%) hoped to make the Korean rice cakes of themselves at home. 6. Convenience (65.8%) was the most favored cause purchasing the commercial products but many housewives (44.3%) wanted to make the Korean rice-cakes of themselves at home. 7. All the quality properties of commercial products, taste and color property were favored and price, package, storage and hygienic property were poorly evaluated by housewives. 8. The evaluation about color property of commercial products were affected by resident place variable of housewives (P<0.05) and hygienic property were affected by resident place and academic career variable of housewives significantly (P<0.01). And package property of them was affected by dwelling house type significantly. (P<0.05) 9. Housewives indicated that commercial products were improved hygienic property (37.0%), price (23.8%), package (15.6%), taste (11.1%), storage (10.1%) and color (2.4%) in order.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.169-211
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• 2004

As for the "Guang-Xi(廣西)", "Dong-Shan(東山)", "Yao-Ju(瑤族)", folklore culture to achieve the substratum (New Year manners and customs, a passage rites, folk belief, dwelling folklore, agriculture and a farming machine) generally very received an influence of "Han-zu(漢族)" for the reason that an interchange was active early with "Han-zu(漢族)". However, a traditional form of "Yao-Ju(瑤族)" is covered the base with. Even if it is a national holiday commemorateing the birth of the "Pan-Gu(盤古)" which is ancestors of all "Yao-zu(瑤族)" during New Year manners and customs, songs as "ku-jia(哭嫁)" consisting at the time of marriage during a lot of ritual, "zhaoxu-hun (招婿婚)" and the "liangtou-che(兩頭扯)" marriages which are a classic marriage of "Yao-zu(瑤族)", a ritual format, master "Shi-Gong(師公)" of faith of "Yao-zu(瑤族)" are. Also, a difference is in dwelling folklore related to construction or this very much in "Han-zu(漢族)" and the various sides. It is the part where toilets to use are quite different from the Korean race in a tool, the outside written with the dwelling formal characteristics that are structure, "the ceremony of putting up the ridge beam" in, for example, two folds. Agriculture and a farming machine are basically similar to it of the Korean race, but it is a degree with some transformation by environment and the local cause.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.19-32
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to determine aesthetical characteristics of the Korean traditional wedding dress for women by analyzing such dresses'aesthetical senses. For the purpose, the study showed four types of the dress, jukyee, whalot, weonsam and private weonsam and their photographed stimuli to subjects and then obtained data using the seven scale measures of meaning differentiation consisting of 25 pairs of adjective words. Results of the study are described as follows; Aesthetical senses shown in the Korean traditional dressing dress for women included six factors in total, among which attractiveness was found as the main factor, followed by chastity. For the four types of the dress, whalot adpated revelation as its main factor while the remaining three types, or jukyee, weonsam and private weonsam were found having dignity as their main factors. Adjective words which largely accounted for aesthetical senses included uncomfortable, warn, chaste, intellectual, bright, unique, regular, luxurious, classical, ornamental and beautiful suggesting that the Korean traditional wedding dress for women is somewhat unfunctional, but high in attractiveness and aesthetic beauty and has a better classical harmonization of dignity and revelation. Aesthetical senses were most different according to nationality(Korean and Japan) when they were analyzed in terms of nationality, gender and whether of specialization or non-specialization. Japanese people had unique and interesting senses while Korean people, chaste, calm and delicate aesthetical senses. According to gender, men revealed free senses and women, classical ones. According whether of specialization or non-specialization those who specialized in a related field had more unique, straight, regular, luxurious and interesting aesthetical senses that those who did not specialize.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.160-177
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• 2002

Wedding ceremony is a most basic and significant rite of religion. Clothing fur the ceremony is also assumed religious in essence. Thus this study focuses on ideas and religious qualities implied in wedding dresses for women in the latter period of Chosen. Among those wedding dresses for women in the public class, in this study, Yeom-Eui(염의), Won-Sam(원삼) in green and Hwal-Ot(활옷) are discussed. Yeom-Eui seemed preferred by only some of the nobel class who still considered manners and customs as very important. The rest people often wore a brilliant Hwal-Ot rather than Yeom-Eui under influences of a loosened social position system and sumptuous moods. Since a wedding is the reflection of social condition and at the same time a religious rite, the above mentioned difference in wedding dresses between the class of scholars obsessed with Confucianism and the rest public seems attributable to differences in values and religious views between the two groups. Of course, Hwal-Ot was also transmitted from the Chinese nation of Tang, so it complied with a contemporary flunkeyism about Chinese culture. Won-Sam and Hwal-Ot were designed with patterns representing the very significance of wedding and those wishing worldly blessings more children and more sons, longevity and wealth and prosperity. The fact that wishes of more children and more sons were more often implied by patterns of wedding dress in the latter Chosen indicates the legitimate oldest son-oriented patriarchical family system at that time influenced to such contemporary dresses. Meanwhile, those patterns used for Won-Sam and Hawl-Ot were influenced mainly by Confucianism, but sometimes based on Buddhism and Taoism. It suggests that the Chosun dynasty emphasized Confucian manners and customs to restore previous values which had been about to be collapsed since wars with the Chinese Ching and Japan, but nevertheless in the public class, Buddhism and Taoism were more deeply prevailed. This was supported by patterns and colors shown in wedding clothing.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.80-98
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• 2023

In the late Joseon Dynasty, when the bride would ride a palanquin when she went to live with her in-laws, it was a custom to cover the palanquin with tiger skin to ward off misfortunes that may come her way. The higher classes used tiger skin or leopard skin for this purpose, but the common people had to substitute this expensive item with a tiger pattern painted on a blanket. Such blankets were called hotanja, hogu, hoguyok and the like. The term "hotanja" is a pure Korean word. It is not known when the cover for the bridal palanquin was first used, but it was popular from the end of the 19^th century and then gradually disappeared. This is due to the introduction of new Western style weddings that eliminated the need for a bridal palanquin. The tiger print blanket was used not only to cover the bride's palanquin but also to cover a table or floor during the wedding ceremony. This study ran a material analysis on nine pieces of tiger print blankets. All of the blanket artifacts examined in this study had an outer cover and a lining made of fabric that used cotton thread for the warp and wool thread for the weft. Two kinds of wool were found in the weft thread in the outer covers: fat-tailed sheep hair from China and goat hair for carpets from the Hebei province, China. Records show that "blankets with painted tiger patterns" were imported from Russia, and the imported blankets were from Russia and China. The outer cover can be categorized into six types, and the lining into three types depending on the weave and direction of the thread twist. The hem facing can be divided into four types. The lining and outer cover use the full width of the fabric, which was woven in wide widths of 135 cm or wider. The tiger pattern on the blanket was made by stenciling. The stencil design of the body and tail of the tiger were placed on a red blanket to be painted in white, and then the background color of the tiger, which is yellow, would be painted over the white, and then black stripes would be added. The pattern of the tiger varies, which shows that the blankets were made by various craftspeople. The pattern of the tiger print blanket is usually of a tiger lying down, but there were tiger print blankets with a tiger standing up. The pattern of the tiger grew smaller over time, and flower patterns were added in the background. Decorative elements were gradually added to the tiger print blanket patterns, but its function as a palanquin cover became lost. By taking the features of tiger print blankets into consideration, it can be assumed that there are imported pieces among the remaining pieces, and were produced in various places because it was popular at that time.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.455-465
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• 2008

The data for this study were collected in a survey conducted in Ganghwa. The questionnaire was specifically designed to identify ceremonial and prohibitive foods in Ganghwa. Quantitative and qualitative data were reported as frequencies, and $X^2$ analysis was employed to assess the relationships among religious. Ceremonial foods were important on the 15th of January by the lunar calendar(87.5%), the Korean Thanks giving Day(84.4%), New Year's Day(79.8%), and the winter solstice(77.4%). A table in celebration of a baby's first birthday included baekseolgi, rice cake with Indian millet and red bean, songpyeon, injeolmi, fruits, and japchae. Women who had delivered a child ate boiled rice and seaweed soup. Birthday parties was hosted in 67.0% of the homes. The reasons for not having a birthday party were the inability to make enough time(38.2%) and difficulties with work(19.4%). Pyebaek foods were jerked beef, chicken, jujube and chestnuts. A 60th birthday anniversary was the reason for 31.4% of the respondents to eat ceremonial foods, and a Memorial Day service that carried in the eldest son was the reason in 53.4% of the families. The Memorial-Day service foods were learned by a Catholic mother(66.7%), by the husband's Buddhist mother(37.9%), or by Confucianism(54.5%)(p<0.05). Therefore, it is important to increase the understanding of celebrational foods and to enforce systematic public relations.

• Science of Emotion and Sensibility
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.33-44
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• 2022

Rental services have recently come to be provided in which people can experience traditional Korean culture in the form of Hanok villages, allowing everyone can easily rent and wear hanbok, a traditional Korean garment, regardless of gender and age. Users of hanbok rental services share photos of themselves wearing hanbok on social media, contributing to the increasing popularity of hanbok experiences. However, the trend of wearing hanbok has no become established in people's daily lives, apart from the specific places that offer hanbok experiences. To promote hanbok as everyday clothes, hanbok design should be developed to provide wearers with both convenience and emotional satisfaction. Using 28 emotion words that express consumers' emotions toward hanbok that were extracted from previous studies, this study measured consumers' emotions toward different types of hanbok with on a seven-point Likert scale. Emotion words and categories that obtained scores of five points or above, signifying a rating of "felt fairly" or higher in relation to specific hanbok types were extracted. This study also examined differences in the average scores for emotional categories according to hanbok types and gender. The results indicated that only average scores for the "favorable feeling" category showed a significant difference between men and women. Finally, differences in the average scores for emotional categories were examined by classifying hanbok types: traditional (e.g., baenaet-jeogori, saekdong-jeogori, traditional hanbok for adults, and traditional wedding clothes) and modern (e.g., daily hanbok for children, for women, and for men). The results indicated significant differences between traditional and modern hanbok in six emotional categories (i.e., the cheerful, esthetic, harmonious, fresh, favorable, and stable feeling). This study derived analytic results for terms related to emotions that hanbok wearers feel according to types of hanbok. The findings can be used by hanbok retailers and rental services to provide consumers with greater emotional satisfaction.