• 한국체육학회지인문사회과학편
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• v.51 no.5
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• pp.51-61
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to survey fundamental limitations and problems of sports event hosting from the critical point of view and to set future-oriented perspective. The reason and legitimacy for hosting sports event have come from pragmatism based on ideological logic behind politics. Thus, the flow of advanced studies was mostly limited to the category of efficiency. However, there is fundamental limitation in sports even hosting in terms of its financial expectation and efficiency. Critical approach will contribute to minimizing side effects caused from blind acceptance through awakening dispassionate and realistic judgment. In addition, rational selection of sports even hosting can be achieved through interconnection of sports culturism's directivity as an advanced sense of sports culture, integrated perspective that penetrates problems of growth and distribution and local governance as apolitical philosophy, and of course, through concentration of energy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.34
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• pp.275-305
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• 2006

The main research question of this paper is as follows: How can broadcasting both cause the crisis in democratic participation and yet also offer the solution? The contradiction in broadcast localism has never been adequately resolved in spite of regulation at all in practice, in that localism simply cannot account for the diversity of modern life and for the external forces that incorporate local communities into much larger economic and communications network. The concept of locality in local television, however, has been multiplied and enlarged in order to adjust to "time-space compression". Recently the local television have been "interface" combining and negotiating the globalization of media market and the decentralization of political power, the economies of scale and the activation of local democracy, consequently aiming at the horizontal-cooperative network instead of old vertical-dependent one.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.144-179
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• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.63
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• pp.317-345
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• 2020

The dissolution and reconstruction of the male-centered social structure is being requested, but the Korean church still call on women and understand women's roles by limiting them based on traditional 'normal family ideology' and matherhood discourse. However, considering women's various aspects of life, life cycle, and individuality, confining women to existing biological maternal discourse is not suitable to help women grow as subjective leaders and contribute to society. The Korean church needs to find a new curriculum that encourages women to form subjective beliefs. In the life of Christian women of the period of port-opening, we can examine the process of the Korean Christian women establishing the subjectivity of the challenges of Protestant theology, which included stereotypes, gender division of labor, and matherhood discourse. Korean Christian women shared the oppressive experiences of traditional patriarchy after passing silent and receptive perceptions, forming a subjective perception of their injustice and seeking liberation. And it was able to act as a subject of faith by forming a procedural and constructive awareness within a sympathetic and relational community. The Korean church should reconstruct the Christian women's curriculum by reflecting on the curriculum that women formed themselves over 100 years ago.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.59
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• pp.33-72
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• 2021

I intended to discuss the new phase of the publicness of museums in a digital environment with the Goole Arts & Culture Project. To this end, I critically examined the instrumental approaches and technological optimism in the application of digital technology to museums, and scrutinized the recent museological issues, particularly the revision or curtailment of the museum's publicness amid the spread of neoliberal policy, which have been omitted within those technological approaches. This is because the meaning of Google Art & Culture can be considered more effectively through an extended theoretical reconstruction. Based on these theoretical discussions, I critically reviewed how the "non-profit," an important concept that defines the publicness of museums, was adopted and utilized as an business strategy by Google. As a result, I wanted to reveal that the neoliberalization of museums, the failure of the government's public function, the crisis of museum's publicness, and Google's "non-profit" strategy have been closely related. Armed with advanced digital technology, the GAC project appropriated the publicness of museums as a useful profit-making model. As such, now the concept of publicness of museums is at a point of more controversial and radical transformation than ever before.

• Archives of design research
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.105-114
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• 1998

Guillaume Apolinaire and Filippo Marinetti who are pioneers of the early 20 century in point of breaking traditional typographic rules and making particular typographic communication styles,have considered as the same categorytypoillustration or pictorial typography-in other studies evenif they have' particular differences. Their chromcal and theoretical background, works, exPressive materials and methods and the values were analyzed through thesis, books, periodicals and internet materials, and researched the characteristics. There are clear differences in the view of arranging type; expressive materials, sentence struction, layout. The most important differences are concrete expression by Apolinaire and abstract expression by Marinetti . These differences and characteristics made the base of Dada typography and the concrete typogaphers as Bradbury Thompson and Herb Lubalin were influenced by Apolinaire, abstract typographers as Piet Zwart and Neville Brody were influenced by Marinetti.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.69 no.2
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• pp.219-246
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to develop a substantive theory that understand the burnout and secondary traumatic stress experience of social workers who worked in the trauma centers. This research was conducted by Grounded Theory. The result is as follow: In the initial coding, 159 units of mean, 47 subcategories, and 12 main categories. The central phenomenon of the initial coding was 'the wounded existence.' In the focused coding, the core category was 'seeking to recover professional identity as a social worker.' In the theoretical coding, the burnout and secondary traumatic stress experience of social workers who worked in the trauma centers were classified as four phases;'Commitment to the mission', 'Conflict', 'Stagnant' and 'Disruption'. Based on the findings, the preparation for the disaster social work practice, the perspective on "social healing" of trauma, and the necessity of the mandatory policy or intervention for social workers self-care were discussed.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.69 no.1
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• pp.175-197
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• 2017

This study aims to analyze the formation of Korean social welfare delivery system and its pathway, from which the pending issues are to be discussed on the organizations and personnel of the delivery system using the word 'social welfare' with its related discourse. Historical institutionalism is chosen as the perspective to explain path-dependent change and critical juncture, and various legislative data are used as the indicative signals for the discourse of 'social welfare'. The results of the study are as follows. First, the term 'social welfare' began to be institutionalized in Korea by the enactment of Livehood Protection Law(1961). Second, the policies by the year 1987 of expanding social welfare center and introducing social welfare professionals as civil servants form a critical juncture which makes the social welfare discourse realized as the institutional realities. Third, until the year around 2014, the system has not changed in the perspective of macro framework. Fourth, currently the system shows several signs of severe turmoil, which might lead to dismantle the system of 'social welfare' discourse. To conclude, this study shows the possibility of explaining organizations and personnel composing the social welfare delivery system by the usage of discourse analysis, treating it as an analytical entity.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.71-88
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• 2013

Probability of technology risk is expected to increase as the post catch-up innovation, characterized by high uncertainty and high risk, would dominate in the coming era of post catchup. Social controversy on online game as a post catch-up innovation is still ongoing, though the shutdown law was enacted by the government. Socio-technical vulnerability causing technology risk paradoxically arose from the world top-level ICT infrastructures and has been reinforced by developmentalism. While both the pros and cons of the regulation fail to recognize dilemma objectively, social cost is brought about and accumulated. With recognizing dilemma between technology innovation and risks, we can tackle technology risks and ensure responsible innovation in post catch-up era.