• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.54-72
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• 2016

This article analyzes the latest cases of Digital Social Innovation such as crowdsourcing and online petitions for public trouble-shooting in oder to demonstrate that public engagement of the citizens on decision making can enhance the quality of democracy. Digital Social Innovation contributes to citizen's participation on decision making and policy implementation with taking advantage of digital technologies of crowdsourcing and online petitions. Active civic engagement for decision making literally helps to improve and democratize government policy. These series of processes not only improve quality and efficiency of policy governance by building up transparency and effectiveness of policy itself but also enhance the throughput legitimacy. With this article, I quote and analyze various practices of Digital Social Innovation which we had substantiated to demonstrate the effectiveness of civic engagement for decision making to improve and enhance democracy. The hypothesis that the Digital Social Innovation attempted in various ways is a principal factor of democratization could be verified. Moreover, the practices of Digital Social Innovation helps the civic participation in policy making in modern society. Finally, this article suggests an implication of Digital Social Innovation as part of efforts to ensure the involvement of throughput legitimacy for the development of democracy.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.147-178
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• 2018

In this thesis, the author elaborates on how acceding to the Eurocentric paradigm-driven dichotomy of the premodern vs. modern engenders a logic bottleneck that debilitates academic efforts to explore the formation of the Korean constitution. Following this logic, the author will add credence to the belief that though the West may have had an influence on the formation of Korean democracy, the institution Korea enjoys today is a result of proactive and self-driven interpretation of those influences through the lens of local tradition. This insight is a prerequisite to understanding the spirit of Korea's First Constitution as a result of Koreans creative translation of Western democracy and Republicanism in the Korean context, and one whose roots lie deep in Confucian Great Harmony Thought. Through this, the thesis aims to offer insight into how Confucian Great Harmony Thought can shed light on the historical background of the spirit of Korea's Constitution.

• Nuclear industry
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• v.37 no.9
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• pp.48-51
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• 2017

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.163-169
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• 2018

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.177-185
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• 2021

• The Korea Beekeeping Bulletin
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• s.233
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• pp.10-10
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• 2000