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Compilation of Books on Military Arts and Science and Ideology of Military Science in the late Joseon Dynasty (조선(朝鮮) 후기(後期)의 병서(兵書) 편찬(編纂)과 병학(兵學) 사상(思想))

  • Yun, Muhak
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.36
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    • pp.101-133
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    • 2013
  • In this paper, the writer investigated the thoughts on military art and science with a focus on the typical books on military art and science, which was published in the latter period of Joseon, and the discussion of literati in that time. Joseon had been happy to enjoy the piping times of peace for about 200 years ever since the establishment of the dynasty. However, having had to gone through two major wars, the Joseon Dynasty, revolving around scholarly people, had awakened the limits of military art and science of Joseon. It can be said that the countermeasure against Japanese pirates, which were reflected in the "Jingbirok" (懲毖錄 - Records of the 1592 Japanese Invasion) written by Yu Seong-ryong, and the experiences of war had formed the basis of the thoughts on military art and science in the latter period. Regrettably, there were no suggestions or proposals of preparing countermeasure against Japanese raiders in the books of military art and science in the early period of the Joseon Dynasty. Meanwhile, as the argument about the battle formation in the early period of Joseon, the process of establishing the military science had not gone smoothly in the latter period of Joseon. Right after the Japanese invasion of 1592, "Gihyo-Sinseo" (紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) was brought into the country by the army of Ming (明) Dynasty. At first, this was used in the form of its original edition, or of abstract version in the military drill. But, later, it was published under the title of "Byeonghak-jinam" (兵學指南 - Military Training Manual about Action Rules by combat situation). This book, same as in Zhejian (浙江) province in China, had achieved a positive effect on counteracting the Japanese raiders in our country. However, these military tactics were conflicted with "Owi Jinbeop" - Rules of Deployment of the Five Military Commands, which had been handed down ever since the early period of the Joseon Dynasty, and, at the same time, it was pointed out that those tactics would not be able to apply to the situation uniformly, since Korea and China were geographically different. Furthermore, having gone through Manchu Invasion of 1636 (丙子胡亂, Byeongja horan) Joseon had used "Yeonbyeongsilgi" (練兵實記 - the Actual Records of Training Army), which was compiled in China on the basis of the experiences of wars against the nomad, including Mongolia and so on. And, this had become a typical training manual together with "Byeonghak-jinam". King Yeong Jo and King Jeong Jo of the Joseon Dynasty had tried to establish uniformity in military training by publishing the books of military science representing the latter period of Joseon such as "Sokbyeongjangdoseol" (續兵將圖說- Revision of the Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics,) "Byeonghaktong" (兵學通 Book on Military Art and Science,) "Byeonghakjinamyeonui" (兵學指南演義 - Commentary on 'Byeonghak-jinam') and "Muyedobotongji"(武藝圖譜通志 - Comprehensive Illustrated Manual of Martial Arts,) and so on. King Jeong Jo had actively participated in the arguments in those days. So then the arguments that had been continued for about 200 years, ever since King Seon Jo, put to an end. To sum up the distinctive features of military art and science in both former and latter period of the Joseon Dynasty, in the former period of Joseon, the reasoning military science was proceeded with the initiative of civic official based on "Mugyeongchilseo"(武經七書- the Seven Military Classics). However, in the latter period of Joseon, "Gihyo-Sinseo"(紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) had served as a momentum, and also comparatively a large numbers of military official had participated in arguments, so then such an occasion had made the military science turn into the Practical Theory. Meanwhile, King Sejo and King Jeong Jo had played a leading role in the process of establishing the theory of military science of Joseon, however, there are something in common that their succession to the throne was not smooth. This is the part that reminds us "War is an extension of politics," the thesis of Clausewitz

A New Rice Cultivar with Lodging Tolerance and High Grain Quality "Jongnambyeo" (중만생 고품질 내도복성 신품종 "종남(孮南)벼")

  • Park, No-Bong;Lim, Sang-Jong;Kwak, Do-Yeon;Song, You-Chun;Ha, Woon-Goo;Oh, Byeong-Geun;Yeo, Un-Sang;Kang, Jong-Rae;Yi, Gi-Hwan;Chang, Jae-Ki;Lee, Jeom-Sik;Nam, Min-Hee;Lee, Jong-Hee;Hwang, Heung-Gu;Kim, Ho-Yeong;Yang, Sae-Jun;Kim, Myeong-Ki;Choi, Hae-Chune;Kim, Soon-Chul;Moon, Hun-Pal;Lim, Moo-Sang
    • Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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    • v.41 no.4
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    • pp.607-611
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    • 2009
  • "Jongnambyeo", a new japonica rice cultivar(Oryza sativa L.), is a mid-late maturing ecotype developed by the rice breeding team of National Yeongnam Agricultural Experiment Station(NYAES) in 2001 and released in 2002. This variety originated from the cross of Milyang96/YR12734-B-B-22-2(in 1991/1992 winter) and was selected by means of a mixed method of bulk and pedigree breeding. The pedigree of Junambyeo, Milyang 169 designated in 1999, was YR15161-B-B-B-57-2-3. It has about 79cm in culm length and tolerant to lodging. And this variety is resistant to bacterial leaf blight($K_1$), stripe virus and moderately resistant to leaf blast disease. Milled rice kernels of "Jongnambyeo" is translucent with non-glutinous endosperm and clear in chalkness and good at eating quality in pannel test. The yield potential of "Jongambyeo" in milled rice is about 5.60MT/ha at ordinary fertilizer level of local adaptability test. This cultivar would be adaptable to the Yeongnam plain and southern coastal of Korea.

Effects on School Lunch Service Programme of Elementary School in Rural Area (농촌지역(農村地域) 국민학교(國民學校) 급식아동(給食兒童)과 성장발달(成長發達)과 식생활(食生活) 습관(習慣))

  • Park, Jin Wook;Lee, Sung Kook
    • Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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    • v.5 no.2
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    • pp.74-90
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    • 1992
  • The purpose of this study is to know the effects on school lunch service programme of elementary school in rural area, by using the group consisting of the sixth year students in the schools that have provided them with the lunch for six years or longer(male student:312, & female student:324), while using the comparing group consisting of the sixth year students in the schools that have not provided them with the school lunch under their similar living condition(male student: 306 & female student:322). In addition, this study was carried out by examining all continued information about their height and weight shown in the developmetal record for six years from the 1st to 6th year, and by checking their eating habits on the basis of questionnaires. The result of this study is summarized as follows. As the result of comparing the values of their height and weight grown for 6 years, it was shown that the height of the male group provided with school lunch is 27.8 cm while the male group without lunch is 27.1 cm. And the female group provided with school lunch indicated the growing value of 29.9 cm while the group without lunch did 28.4 cm. Then, it appeared that both male and female groups provided with school lunch show higher growing values of 0.7 cm, respectively, and 1.5 cm than these groups without lunch. Also, the weight of the group without lunch was 14.8 kg. Moreover, the weight of the female group provided with school lunch was 16.9 kg while the group without lunch was 17.2 kg. Then, it was shown that the male group provided with school lunch indicates heavier growing value of 0.9 kg than the group without lunch while the female group without lunch does heavier value of 0.3 kg than the group provided with school lunch. It's figure showed that although this distribution according to percentile in the 1st year is similar to the standard regular curve it is positioned in the upper group(more thatn 70%) divided centering around 50% in the 6th year, of which distribution of children provided with school lunch was higher. When comparing the values of physical status in the 6th year, it was also shown that male children with school lunch are better than these children without lunch in jumping, throwing, chinning and lifting while female children are better than these children without lunch only in jumping, which were a significant difference. In addition, the group provided with lunch showed distribution of the higher physical grade. The result of analysis on their breakfast indicated that the children with every morning breakfast account for 67.6% of the group provided with school lunch while the group without lunch for 57.8%. Regarding the reason that they do not have the breakfast, the group with school lunch answered "Because of habits"(50.7%) while the group without lunch did "Because they have no appetite"(58.9%). When comparing the degree of preference for hot or salty food, it was apparent that these children with school lunch generally tend to prefer less hot or sailty food. With respect to the frequency and place of their eating between meals, it was shown that about 70.0% of both groups has the eating between meals, more than one time a day. Then, the group with school lunch had the eating between meals at home(45.2%) while the group without lunch did it in the process of returning to home(48.4%). Regarding the degree of their preference for a certain food, it was shown that more children of the group with school lunch do not prefer a food to others. Also, their eating attitude indicated that such children as eating the food with chat after completely swallowing food and with T.V watching are larger and lower among the group with school lunch, which showed a remarkable defference from the group without lunch. With respect to their sanitary habits such as hand washing and toothing, these children who always wash their hand before eating, accounted for 84.4 % of the group provided with school lunch while the group without lunch did for 63.6%, of which the female group with school lunch indicated a remarkable difference. The actual condition of their nutrition education showed that these children who answered "Received this education" accounted for 78.0% of the group with school lunch while the group without lunch accounted for 57.5%.

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Evaluation of indirect N2O Emission from Nitrogen Leaching in the Ground-water in Korea (우리나라 농경지에서 질소의 수계유출에 의한 아산화질소 간접배출량 평가)

  • Kim, Gun-Yeob;Jeong, Hyun-Cheol;Kim, Min-Kyeong;Roh, Kee-An;Lee, Deog-Bae;Kang, Kee-Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.44 no.6
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    • pp.1232-1238
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    • 2011
  • This experiment was conducted to measure concentration of dissolved $N_2O$ in ground-water of 59 wells and to make emission factor for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector in agricultural areas of Gyeongnam province from 2007 to 2010. Concentrations of dissolved $N_2O$ in ground-water of 59 wells were ranged trace to $196.6{\mu}g-N\;L^{-1}$. $N_2O$ concentrations were positively related with $NO_3$-N suggesting that denitrification was the principal reason of $N_2O$ production and $NO_3$-N concentration was the best predictor of indirect $N_2O$ emission. The ratio of dissolved $N_2O$-N to $NO_3$-N in ground-water was very important to make emission factor for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector. The mean ratio of $N_2O$-N to $NO_3$-N was 0.0035. It was greatly lower than 0.015, the default value of currently using in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) methodology for assessing indirect $N_2O$ emission in agro-ecosystems (IPCC, 1996). It means that the IPCC's present nitrogen indirect emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$, 0.015) and indirect $N_2O$ emission estimated with IPCC's emission factor are too high to use adopt in Korea. So we recommend 0.0034 as national specific emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector. Using the estimated value of 0.0034 as the emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) revised the indirect $N_2O$ emission from agricultural sector in Korea decreased from 1,801,576 ton ($CO_2$-eq) to 964,645 ton ($CO_2$-eq) in 2008. The results of this study suggest that the indirect Emission of nitrous oxide from upland recommend 0.0034 as national specific emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector.

Application of LCA on Lettuce Cropping System by Bottom-up Methodology in Protected Cultivation (시설상추 농가를 대상으로 하는 bottom-up 방식 LCA 방법론의 농업적 적용)

  • Ryu, Jong-Hee;Kim, Kye-Hoon;Kim, Gun-Yeob;So, Kyu-Ho;Kang, Kee-Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.44 no.6
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    • pp.1195-1206
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    • 2011
  • This study was conducted to apply LCA (Life cycle assessment) methodology to lettuce (Lactuca sativa L.) production systems in Namyang-ju as a case study. Five lettuce growing farms with three different farming systems (two farms with organic farming system, one farm with a system without agricultural chemicals and two farms with conventional farming system) were selected at Namyangju city of Gyeonggi-province in Korea. The input data for LCA were collected by interviewing with the farmers. The system boundary was set at a cropping season without heating and cooling system for reducing uncertainties in data collection and calculation. Sensitivity analysis was carried out to find out the effect of type and amount of fertilizer and energy use on GHG (Greenhouse Gas) emission. The results of establishing GTG (Gate-to-Gate) inventory revealed that the quantity of fertilizer and energy input had the largest value in producing 1 kg lettuce, the amount of pesticide input the smallest. The amount of electricity input was the largest in all farms except farm 1 which purchased seedlings from outside. The quantity of direct field emission of $CO_2$, $CH_4$ and $N_2O$ from farm 1 to farm 5 were 6.79E-03 (farm 1), 8.10E-03 (farm 2), 1.82E-02 (farm 3), 7.51E-02 (farm 4) and 1.61E-02 (farm 5) kg $kg^{-1}$ lettuce, respectively. According to the result of LCI analysis focused on GHG, it was observed that $CO_2$ emission was 2.92E-01 (farm 1), 3.76E-01 (farm 2), 4.11E-01 (farm 3), 9.40E-01 (farm 4) and $5.37E-01kg\;CO_2\;kg^{-1}\;lettuce$ (farm 5), respectively. Carbon dioxide contribute to the most GHG emission. Carbon dioxide was mainly emitted in the process of energy production, which occupied 67~91% of $CO_2$ emission from every production process from 5 farms. Due to higher proportion of $CO_2$ emission from production of compound fertilizer in conventional crop system, conventional crop system had lower proportion of $CO_2$ emission from energy production than organic crop system did. With increasing inorganic fertilizer input, the process of lettuce cultivation covered higher proportion in $N_2O$ emission. Therefore, farms 1 and 2 covered 87% of total $N_2O$ emission; and farm 3 covered 64%. The carbon footprints from farm 1 to farm 5 were 3.40E-01 (farm 1), 4.31E-01 (farm 2), 5.32E-01 (farm 3), 1.08E+00 (farm 4) and 6.14E-01 (farm 5) kg $CO_2$-eq. $kg^{-1}$ lettuce, respectively. Results of sensitivity analysis revealed the soybean meal was the most sensitive among 4 types of fertilizer. The value of compound fertilizer was the least sensitive among every fertilizer imput. Electricity showed the largest sensitivity on $CO_2$ emission. However, the value of $N_2O$ variation was almost zero.

A New Medium Maturing and High Quality Rice Variety with Lodging and Disease Resistance, 'Haeoreumi' (중생 고품질 내도복 내병성 벼 품종 '해오르미')

  • Kim, Jeong-Il;Park, No-Bong;Park, Dong-Soo;Lee, Ji-Yoon;Yeo, Un-Sang;Chang, Jae-Ki;Kang, Jung-Hun;Oh, Byeong-Geun;Kwon, Oh-Deog;Kwak, Do-Yeon;Lee, Jong-Hee;Yi, Gihwan;Kim, Chun-Song;Song, You-Cheon;Cho, Jun-Hyun;Nam, Min-Hee;Choung, Jin-Il;Shin, Mun-Sik;Jeon, Myeong-Gi;Yang, Sae-Jun;Kang, Hang-Weon;Ahn, Jin-Gon;Kim, Jae-Kyu
    • Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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    • v.42 no.6
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    • pp.638-644
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    • 2010
  • A new rice variety 'Haeoreumi' is a japonica rice (Oryza sativa L.) with lodging tolerance, resistance to rice stripe virus (RSV) and bacterial leaf blight (BLB), and high grain quality. It was developed by the rice breeding team of Yeongdeog Substation, National Institute of Crop Science (NICS), RDA in 2008. This variety was derived from a cross between 'Milyang165' with good grain quality and lodging resistance, and 'Haepyeongbyeo' with wind tolerance in winter season of 2000/2001. A promising line, YR22375-B-B-1, selected by pedigree breeding method, was designated as the name of 'Yeongdeog46' in 2005. 'Yeongdeog46' was released as the name of 'Haeoreumi' in 2008 after the local adaptability test that was carried out at nine locations from 2006 to 2008. 'Haeoreumi' has 74 cm short culm length as and medium maturating growth duration. This variety showed resistance to $K_1,\;K_2$, and $K_3$ races of bacterial blight, and stripe virus and moderate resistant to leaf blast disease with durable resistance, and also has tolerance to unfavorable environment such as cold, dry and cold salty wind. 'Haeoreumi' has translucent and clear milled rice kernel without white core and white belly rice, and good eating quality as a result of panel test. The yield potential of 'Haeoreumi' in milled rice is about 5.58MT/ha at ordinary fertilizer level of local adaptability test. This cultivar would be adaptable to Middle plain, mid-west costal area, and east-south coastal area.

A Study on the 1889 'Nanjukseok' (Orchid, Bamboo and Rock) Paintings of Seo Byeong-o (석재 서병오(1862-1936)의 1889년작 난죽석도 연구)

  • Choi, Kyoung Hyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.4
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    • pp.4-23
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    • 2018
  • Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

Inflow at Ssangyongmun Gate During the Goryeo Dynasty and Its Identity (고려시대 쌍룡문경(雙龍紋鏡) 유입(流入)과 독자성(獨自性))

  • Choi, Juyeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.142-171
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    • 2019
  • The dragon is an imaginary animal that appears in the legends and myths of the Orient and the West. While dragons have mostly been portrayed as aggressive and as bad omens in the West, in the Orient, as they symbolize the emperor or have an auspicious meaning, dragons signify a positive meaning. In addition, as the dragon symbolizes the emperor and its type has been diversified considering it as a divine object that controls water, people have tried to express it as a figure. The records related to dragons in the Goryeo dynasty appeared with diverse topics in 'History of Goryeo' and are generally contents related to founding myths, rituals for rain, and Shinii (神異), etc. The founding myth emphasizes the legality of the Goryeo dynasty through the dragon, and this influenced the formation of the dragon's descendants. In addition, the ability to control water, which is a characteristic of the dragon, was symbolized as an earth dragon related to the rainmaking ritual, i.e., wishing for rain during times of drought. Since the dragon was the symbol of the royal family, the use of the dragon by common people was strictly restricted. Furthermore, the association of a bronze dragon mirror with the royal family is hard to be excluded. The type and quantity of bronze double dragon mirrors discovered to have existed during the Goryeo dynasty is great, and the production and the distribution of bronze mirrors with double dragons seem to have been more active compared to other bronze mirrors, as bronze mirrors with double dragons produced during Goryeo and bronze mirrors originating in China were mixed. Therefore, in this article, the characteristics of diverse bronze mirrors from the 10th century to the 14th century in China were examined. It seems that the master craftsmen who produced bronze mirrors with double dragons during the Goryeo dynasty were influenced by Chinese composition patterns when making the mirrors. Because there were many cases where a bronze mirror's country of origin could not easily be determined, in order to identify the differences between bronze double dragon mirrors produced during the Goryeo dynasty and bronze mirrors produced in China, meticulous analysis was required. Thus, to ascertain that Goryeo mirrors were not imitations of bronze mirrors with double dragons originating in China but produced independently, the mirrors were examined using the bronze double dragon mirror type classification system existing in our country. Bronze mirrors with double dragons are classified into three types: Type I, which has the style of the Yao dynasty, includes the greatest proportion; however, despite there being only a small quantity for comparison, Types II and III were selected for the analysis of the bronze mirrors with double dragons made in Goryeo because they have unique composition patterns. As mentioned above, distinguishing bronze mirrors made during Goryeo from bronze mirrors made in China is challenging because Goryeo bronze mirrors were made under the influence of China. Among them, since the manufacturing place of the bronze mirrors with double dragons found at the nine-story stone pagoda in Woljeongsa Temple in Pyeongchang is questionable and the composition pattern of the bronze mirror is hard to find on bronze mirrors with double dragons made in China, the manufacturing place of those bronze mirrors were examined. These bronze mirrors with double dragons were considered as bronze mirrors with double dragons made during the Goryeo dynasty adopting the Yao dynasty style composition pattern as aspects of the composition pattern belonged to Type I, and the detailed combination of patterns is hard to find in mirrors produced in China.

A Study on the Architecture of the Original Nine-Story Wooden Pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple (황룡사 창건 구층목탑 단상)

  • Lee, Ju-heun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.196-219
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    • 2019
  • According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

A study on the prediction of korean NPL market return (한국 NPL시장 수익률 예측에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Hyeon Su;Jeong, Seung Hwan;Oh, Kyong Joo
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.123-139
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    • 2019
  • The Korean NPL market was formed by the government and foreign capital shortly after the 1997 IMF crisis. However, this market is short-lived, as the bad debt has started to increase after the global financial crisis in 2009 due to the real economic recession. NPL has become a major investment in the market in recent years when the domestic capital market's investment capital began to enter the NPL market in earnest. Although the domestic NPL market has received considerable attention due to the overheating of the NPL market in recent years, research on the NPL market has been abrupt since the history of capital market investment in the domestic NPL market is short. In addition, decision-making through more scientific and systematic analysis is required due to the decline in profitability and the price fluctuation due to the fluctuation of the real estate business. In this study, we propose a prediction model that can determine the achievement of the benchmark yield by using the NPL market related data in accordance with the market demand. In order to build the model, we used Korean NPL data from December 2013 to December 2017 for about 4 years. The total number of things data was 2291. As independent variables, only the variables related to the dependent variable were selected for the 11 variables that indicate the characteristics of the real estate. In order to select the variables, one to one t-test and logistic regression stepwise and decision tree were performed. Seven independent variables (purchase year, SPC (Special Purpose Company), municipality, appraisal value, purchase cost, OPB (Outstanding Principle Balance), HP (Holding Period)). The dependent variable is a bivariate variable that indicates whether the benchmark rate is reached. This is because the accuracy of the model predicting the binomial variables is higher than the model predicting the continuous variables, and the accuracy of these models is directly related to the effectiveness of the model. In addition, in the case of a special purpose company, whether or not to purchase the property is the main concern. Therefore, whether or not to achieve a certain level of return is enough to make a decision. For the dependent variable, we constructed and compared the predictive model by calculating the dependent variable by adjusting the numerical value to ascertain whether 12%, which is the standard rate of return used in the industry, is a meaningful reference value. As a result, it was found that the hit ratio average of the predictive model constructed using the dependent variable calculated by the 12% standard rate of return was the best at 64.60%. In order to propose an optimal prediction model based on the determined dependent variables and 7 independent variables, we construct a prediction model by applying the five methodologies of discriminant analysis, logistic regression analysis, decision tree, artificial neural network, and genetic algorithm linear model we tried to compare them. To do this, 10 sets of training data and testing data were extracted using 10 fold validation method. After building the model using this data, the hit ratio of each set was averaged and the performance was compared. As a result, the hit ratio average of prediction models constructed by using discriminant analysis, logistic regression model, decision tree, artificial neural network, and genetic algorithm linear model were 64.40%, 65.12%, 63.54%, 67.40%, and 60.51%, respectively. It was confirmed that the model using the artificial neural network is the best. Through this study, it is proved that it is effective to utilize 7 independent variables and artificial neural network prediction model in the future NPL market. The proposed model predicts that the 12% return of new things will be achieved beforehand, which will help the special purpose companies make investment decisions. Furthermore, we anticipate that the NPL market will be liquidated as the transaction proceeds at an appropriate price.