• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.61-77
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• 2011

This study focused on relevant rock names related to Sinsun(神仙) which had been settled as Taoist traces were combined with places. While interpreting major features of Sundoism relevant rocks, it also discussed types and places of rocks reflected in their names by considering distinct characteristics of landscape characters that ancestors viewed through the rocks or on the rocks. Conclusion of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Among the rock names related to Sinsun, the most frequently discovered one was Sinsunbawi(52) and followed by Sinsunbong(神仙峰: 38), Sinsundae(神仙臺: 31). Other than these, there were Gangsundae(降仙臺: 12), Sunyoodae (仙遊臺: 10) and Sasundae(四仙臺: 5). 2. In the name of Sinsundae, 'Dae(臺)' ascertains that it was located in greatly superb place in the aspects of viewpoint and appreciation where landscape superiority and overlook scenery were fair and outstanding. 3. Sinsunbong was named for a peak of mountain. At the same time, it implied a notion of worship with images of 'merging with sky' or 'looking up.' Most of time, Sinsunbong indicated the tallest rock in the mountain chain. 4. A significant number of Sinsunbong had names where legends of Sinsun's Go game or descent were originated from. It shows that 'Sinsun(仙) and Go game' used to be very important motives for folk etymology of Sinsun related rocks. Along with the Sinsundae, a number of Sinsunbawi were also turned out to exist in land and ocean with excellent marine view. 5. According to analysis of their altitudes and heights of the peaks where the rocks belong to, Sinsunbong, Sinsundae and Sinsunbawi were in order. It might indicate that the rocks were located on top of mountain or that Sinsunbong represented the mountain itself. Compared to this, Sinsundae was located in where distant panoramic views were overlooked. It was not necessarily to be in peak but in where with a great view like Taoist world. On the other hand, Sinsunbawi was located in where has fine scenery and great valley not so far from villages, which proved its name had been influenced by place feature not altitude. 6. Feature of rock with Sinsun related name is to comprise visual stability of worship object with close linkage to attitude of worshiper. Considering its deep connection with communicative method of worship object and worshiper, seemingly it was main factor to lead folk etymology of rocks with Sinsun related names. 7. Rock is an object with the greatest implication of Sinsun imagination and Sinsun rocks show most clearly the fact that Taoism, which used to be considered as inaccessible, had been actualized in a visual and realistic manner with the change of time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.50-58
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• 2011

Cheongpunggye is located in a valley where Baekaksan, the main mountain of Seoul and Inwang Mountain corresponding to right-white tiger(石白虎) divination based on topography are crossed. The owner of Cheongpunggye is Seonwon Kim Sangyong and many people had visited there without pause because of beautiful landscape since the early times of Chosun. Seonwon Kim Sangyong had ever studied together with Yulgok Yi I and Woogye Seong Hon. He was one of the Western faction(Seo-in) which was the leading power of Injo Coup and died for his chastity during Second Manchu Invasion of Chosun. He is known as a model of fidelity which is a symbol for scholar's spirit in Chosun together with his younger brother Cheongeum Kim Sangheon. Jangdong region, the clan village of New Andong family was the birthplace of Yulgok School which was the fundamental of scholar spirit of Chosun. And Jangdong would be the source of Jin-Gyeong(Real Scenery) Culture which was bloomed by Baekak club composed of Gyeomjae Jeong Seon, Sacheon Lee Byeongyeon, and Gwanajae Cho Yeongseok. The contents of this study are as follows. First, this study explored the placeness of Seochon region through the historical background like the relation between Jangdong, the clan village of Andong Kim family and Andong Kim family, and achievements of Seonwon Kim Sangyong and circumstances of that times. Second, this study tried to know original landscape of Cheongpunggye by investigating location, topography, water system etc. based on analysis of literature, old map, and paintings describing Cheongpunggye. The study was progressed in this way. To infer the original landscape, about 50 landscape elements of Cheongpunggye shown in Punggyejibseunggi(楓溪集勝記), Cheongpunggye Cheop, Cheongpunggye(淸風溪), the work of Gyeomjae Jeong Sean were searched, and then the location and form of the elements was analyzed. Furthermore, by analyzing the meanings of the names for the landscape elements, the thoughts(Naturalism, Taoism, Confucianism, Buddhism) supporting the structure of Cheongpunggye could be inferred. It is thought that these findings can contribute to exploration of placeness of Cheongpunggye. The study on original landscape of Cheongpunggye can be used as basic data when these works are executed-revival of Cheongpunggye, restoration of small streams in upper part of Cheonggyecheon, renewal of Seochon region.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.105-120
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• 2011

A moat is a pond or waterway paved on the outside of a fortress that is one of the facilities to prevent enemy from approaching the fortress wall or classify it as the boundary space, moats had existed in Europe, Asia and the America from ancient times to medieval times. however it is has been disappeared in modem society. In addition, a moat is a great value in historical and cultural sense such as offering a variety of cultural activities and habitats for animals, but unfortunately there is little consideration of its restoration plan. This research is aimed to investigate historical and cultural meaning and significance of moats which had been existing from ancient times to medieval times in the Eastern and Western. For this purpose, this research analyzed concepts and functions in consideration with times and ideological backgrounds of moats in Korea, China, and Japan. Results were as follows: 1. Moats in Korea existed not only in the castle towns of Goguryeo but also in ancient castle towns of Baekje and Silla. Natural moats and artificial moats existed around castles that were built to prevent and disconnect accessibility of enemies In Goryeo Dynasty and Chosun Dynasty, moats were also used as a defensive function. 2. A moat was generally installed by digging in the ground deep and wide at regular intervals from the ramparts, A moat was installed not only around a castle but also in its interiors. Moats outside castles played an important role in stomping the ground hard besides enhancing its defensive power. In addition, water bodies around a facility often discouraged people's access and walls or fences segregated space physically, but a moat with its open space had an alert and defensive means while pertaining its visual characteristics. 3. The moat found at Nagan Eupseong rumor has it that a village officials' strength was extremely tough due to strong energy of the blue dragon[Dongcheon] in Pungsujiri aspects, so such worries could be eliminated by letting the stream of the blue dragon flow in the form of 'S'. 4. The rampart of the Forbidden City of China is 7.9 meters high, and 3,428 meters long in circumference. It was built with 15 layers of bricks which were tamped down after being mixed with glutinous rice and earth, so it is really solid. The moat of the Forbidden City is 52 meters in width and 6 meters in depth, which surrounds the rampart of the Forbidden City, possibly blocking off enemies' approach. 5. Japan moats functioned as waterways due to their location in cities, further, with the arrangement of leisure facilities nearby, such as boating, fishing from boats, and restaurants, it helped relieve city dwellers' stress and functions as a lively city space. 6. Korean moats are smaller in scale than those of the Forbidden City of China, and Edo, and Osaka castles in Japan, Moats were mostly installed to protect royal palaces or castles in the Eastern Asia whereas moats were installed to protect kings, lords, or properties of wealthy people in the west.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.52-62
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• 2011

By studying the classic poetry and prose with a theme of Plantain, I would like to study why Plantain has been planted in our traditional garden for a long time. Also, through this study, I want to find when Plantain was introduced to in our country. We use description study method for studying the classic poetry and prose with a theme of Plantain. As a result, we found a few things like below. First, the introduction of Plantain to our country traces back to unified Silla in the poetry of Choe Chi Won. Also, Plantain was planted and loved generally as a general garden plant in the middle of Goryeo through poetry and paintings. Second, the meaning of Plantain is like this. 1) It means development and enjoyment of arts of summer because the leaves of Plantain were used for drinking alcohol and writing and poetry instead of papers. 2) In Buddhism, Plantain was thought to awaken 'gong(空)', 'mua(無我)', and 'brevity' of lesson of Buddha by the special shape and the image of falling rain to the leaves. Also, it was used widely in Buddhist temples because of the story of 'Hye ga dan bi(慧可斷臂)'. 3) In Confucianism, it is the emblem of lesson 'a wise man tries to be strong and tries not to stop following to God'(自强不息). 4) The large leaf of Plantain is called 'bongmi(鳳尾)' thanks to the image of likeness with tails of Bongwhang(鳳凰). Third, design use of Plantain is like this. 1) The large leaf of Plantain was used for giving an image of freshness and brightness in the garden in summer. 2) Our ancestor thought 'the sound of falling rain to Plantain'(芭蕉雨聲) as a picturesque sound in summer. Also, Plantain was highly utilized because our ancestor thought Plantain is the best plant for implementing 'soundscape'. Thus, the most characteristic use of several design uses is 'acoustic use'. 3) Plantain was also planted in a indoor pot for viewing. 4) Plantain was used for making food and medicine in the palace and private house as a practical use. The limit of this study is that I mainly use the text translated into Korean of database of overall Korean classics. We hope the new things related to this study would be added up to this study by translating original texts into Korean more.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.107-139
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• 2014

Tasan Chong Yak-yong has criticized Zhu Xi's metaphysical viewpoints of human being. Therefore he revealed his viewpoint of human being and the theory of moral practice through his thoughts about the Lord of Heaven and human nature with spiritual inclination toward goodness. He has drawn the Lord of Heaven into Confucianism again. Heaven as the Lord endows human being with a nature that enjoys virtues and detests vices. It watches human being's good and evil. Here we can say Heaven is a outer efficient cause of moral behavior. According to Tasan, human being has its own 'self directed weight'自主之權 so that he can make a judgment and decision about what to do. Therefore we have to do manifest this moral inclination which is a inner efficient cause of moral behavior. That is to say, we must follow the order of daoxin道心 inside our mind. If we did go against it, our mind would be uncomfortable. Now through the method of so-called shu恕 we need to put filial piety孝 fraternal respect弟 compassion慈 into practice. These three moral practices represent the spirit of reciprocity in Confucianism. These lead us to make an achievement of ren仁, representative virtue in the theory of moral practice. Our moral practice means the fulfillment of humanity. This is the way to serve Heaven. Tasan insists that theses are the core thoughts of Confucius and Mencius.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.121-143
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• 2020

The present study examined the content and changes in leader role schemas associated with 'male' leaders, 'female' leaders, and 'good' leaders over the past 10 years in Korea. In addition, we analyzed how the gender of the respondents affects their perception of male leaders versus female leaders as a good leader. A total of 736 Korean adults residing in the Seoul metropolitan area participated in the survey at two different time points, one in 2007, and the other in 2017. The respondents were presented with a total of 90 behavior items driven from the literature and asked to choose the items that represent male leaders, female leaders, and good leaders, respectively. We found that the chosen behavior items for male leaders versus female leaders matched closely to the typical sex role of males (i.e., being agentic) versus females (i.e., being communal). By contrast, the chosen behavior items for good leaders reflected both the male-typed roles and the female-typed roles. We also found that the role schemas associated with male leaders as well as good leaders have changed over the 10 year period. Those schemas also differed between male versus female respondents. For female leaders, however, the role schemas were found to be stable over the 10 years. We also found that the good leader schemas are more specified and variable than are the male or the female schemas. Additionally, in the 2007 survey male characteristics overlapped with good leader characteristics to a greater degree than did female characteristics. This difference was no longer observed in the 2017 survey. The observed difference in the degree of overlap between male (versus female) characteristics with good leader characteristics was attributable to the perceptions of male respondents. We discuss implications of our findings and directions for future research.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.13-51
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• 2021

The aim of this essay is to illustrate Sunjung Manhwa in the 1970s which has been alienated in comics studies. This essay analyses the articles and the serial comics in Schoolgirl, the magazine in the 1970s, and examines the ideal representations of the girls at that time. Sunjung Manhwa is really different between the 1960s and 1970s. It cannot be explained on this gap just by analyzing Sunjung Manhwa in book form alone. Even though the censorship on comics was the element that has hampered the development of comics as a whole, the slumps of Sunjung Manhwa in the 1970s were very excessive compared to other comics genres. This article can gain the answers to the reason of the changes of Sunjung Manhwa by studying the magazines which was the main mass media aimed at girls with Sunjung Manhwa. While the articles in magazines show the editing direction and its characteristics, they reflect the values and ideologies at that time. The same is true for the comics in the magazines. Especially, the comics in the magazines was relatively free from the censorship. This essay examined how the articles and the comics in the girls' magazine in the 1970s represented the images of girls at the time by focusing on feature articles and comics in the magazine, Schoolgirl. This article explored Um, Hee-Ja's Blue Zone and Bang, Young-Jin's Mini March among a full-length serial comics in the magazine, Schoolgirl. Both Blue Zone and Mini March reveal the images of an ideal girl that has been emphasized by the articles in Schoolgirl. Blue Zone draws the appearances of an earnest and obedient daughter, and Mini March represents the figures of a cheerful and bright girl. Through this study, it can be recognized that the magazines in the 1970s highly appraised girls who are obedient to a given society and serve to a harmonious family as ideal ones, and it might be guessed that the ideal images of girls that was characterized ceaselessly by the magazines were the standard of the censorship on comics and its creativity and had also a huge impact on the contents and the expressions of a great deal of works. The 1970s was the times when its importance has been lost in the history of the comics studies by the censorship on the comics and the monopoly of "Hapdong(합동) publisher." The limits of expression in terms of censorship were awfully distinct, so its result was few of good works in quality, and there are still many blanks in the study on 1970s' comics. This study has a meaning which fills up a blank in the comics studies.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.175-209
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• 2020

This paper examines how the cinematic representation of the Japanese military "comfort women" stimulates 'imagination' in the realm of everyday life and in the memory of the masses, creating a common awareness and affect. The history of the Japanese military "comfort women" was hidden for a long time, and it was not until the 1990s that it entered the field of public recognition. Such a transition can be attributed to the external and internal chronopolitics that made possible the testimony of the victims and the discourse of the "comfort women" issue. It shows the peculiar status of the comfort women history as 'politics of time'. In the same vein, the cinematic representations of the Japanese military "comfort women" can be found in similar chronopolitics. The 'comfort women' films have shown the dual time frame of the continuity and discontinuity of the 'silence'. In Korean film history, the chronotope of the reproduction of "comfort women" can be divided into four phases: 1) the fictional representations of "comfort women" before the 1990s 2) documentaries in the late 1990s as the work of testimony and history writing, 3) melodramatic transformation in the feature films in the 2000s, and 4) the diffusion of media and categories. The purpose of this article is to focus on the first phase and the third phase in which the issue of 'comfort women' is represented in the category of popular fiction films. While the "comfort women" representations before 1990 were strictly adhering to the framework of commercial movies and pursued the sexual exploitation of "comfort women" history, the recent films since the 2000s are experimenting with various attempts in the style of popular imagination. Especially, the emergence of 'comfort women' feature films in the 2000s, such as Spirit's Homecoming, I Can Speak, and Herstory, raise various questions as to whether we are "properly" aware of issues and how to remember and present the "cultural memory" of comfort women. Also, focusing on the cinematic representation strategies of the 2000s "comfort women", this article discusses the popular politics of melodrama, the representation of victims and violence, and the feature of 'comfort women' as meta-memory. As a melodramatic imagination and meta-memory for the historical trauma, the "comfort women" drama shows the historical, political, and aesthetic gateways to which the "comfort women" problem must pass. As we have seen in recent fiction films, the issue of "comfort women" goes beyond transnational relations between Korea and Japan; it demands a postcolonial task to dismantle the old colonial structure and explores a transnational project in which women's movements and human rights movements are linked internationally.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.345-353
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• 2022

This study aimed to fundamentally understand changes of cell parameters of cation-exchanged mordenites using high resolution X-ray powder diffraction for studies that immobilization of various heavy metal cation using synthesis mordenite (Na_6.6Al_6.6Si_41.4O₉₆·20.4H₂O, Na-MOR). As a results of measurement by Thermogravimetric analysis (TGA), it was confirmed that 19.4, 20.4 water molecules per unit cell were present in monovalent-cation substituted MOR (Cs-MOR, Na-MOR), and 21, 23.1, 23.2 water molecules per unit cell were present in divalent-cation substituted MOR (Pb-MOR, Sr-MOR, Cd-MOR). The space group of all the samples were identified as Cmcm belonging to the orthorhombic crystal system. Compared to Na-MOR, starting material, relative peak intensity of (110) and (200) is significantly changed after cation substitution whereas peak position is almost similar. Also, (220) peak that was not found in Na-MOR was clearly observed in Pb-, Cd- and Sr-exchanged MOR. Thus, it was estimated that changes of atomic distribution usually occurred on ab-plane while changes of cell parameters were little. Detailed changes in the cell parameters of cation-exchanged mordenites were derived from whole profile fitting method using the GSAS suite program. Changes in the axial lengths and unit cell volume of cation substitution showed different relationship depending on ionic radius and charge number. In case of monovalent-cation substituted MOR, the length of a-axis increases whereas the length of b- and c-axis decrease by absorbed cation radius. In the case of divalent-cation exchanged MOR, the length of a-axis usually decreases while the length of b- and c-axis increases by cation radius. It was confirmed that unit cell volume of monovalent and divalent cation substituted MORs had an independent tendency by cation radius.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.103-137
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• 2022

In religious symbology, an emblem is a symbolic mark, which differentiates a religion from other groups. In addition, it holds a symbolic or conceptual character that enables viewers to recognize a certain religion. Daesoon Jinrihoe, a representative order among Korean religious traditions, also has a symbolic mark; however, it has not been designated with an official name as symbol despite its usage dating back to May 11, 1978. At the time, that mark has served as an emblem. Afterwards, the emblem was printed and has been officially used as a flag (unofficially known as the Dao Flag, the Fellowship Flag, etc.) since October 20th of that same year. The emblem of Daesoon Jinrihoe which is not only printed in the flag but has been utilized as a symbolic mark representing the order. Nevertheless, it is hard to find research related to this symbol. Consequently, this study aims to apprehend the existing materials about the flag's emblem and its meaning, as well as attempt to interpret its various implications. Indeed, this work will suggest another point of view about the emblem given that it embraces ambiguity. This research suggests that the emblem symbolically depicts the Daesoon (Great Itineration), Samwon (三圓, Three Circles), Sadae (四大, Four Dae), and the Center, and that, all together, this can imply more profound meanings than were expressed in previously posited explanations. As such, this study draws further significance from Daesoon Thought and find: first, the circle in the center of the emblem signifies the pivot of Daesoon; not just the earthly circle (地圓) or the human circle (人圓). This opens up the possibility that the circle symbolizes Mugeuk (Limitlessness) and Taegeuk (Great Ultimate), which include the pivot of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. Secondly, the symbol of soil (土) in the center is separated from the human circle and reveals the symbol of harmony and creation as the rod shape of Four Dae. Thirdly, the protuberances in the circle point to specific directions and this allows for additional layers of meaning.