• Korean Security Journal
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• no.11
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• pp.245-274
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• 2006

Korea is not permitting the foreigner emigration officially. But to domestic the foreigner dwells in the form which is various and it is living. These people are slept, the industrial workers and married a person of different nationality and kosians. In 2005 October 27th a rase riot raised by the immigration and stay sleeping group in France. It observes the width eastern possibility due to foreigner immigration and stay which dwell even inside instruction making Korea which will reach sleeping group the reporter it does.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.245
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• pp.18-18
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• 1998

만물상.마하연.만폭동.보덕암.비로봉. 이제 그 이름이 낯설지 않은 금강산의 풍광을 책으로 먼저 만난다. 서점가에는 민족의 영산 금강산 관련 책들이 쏟아져 나오고 있다. 현재성에 맞게 새로운 정보를 담은 금강산 책의 출간이 과제로 떠올랐다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.29
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• pp.132-157
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• 1996

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.19-27
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• 2023

This paper is aimed at exploring a multi-racial, multi-ethnic, and multi-cultural trianglulation of Black, White, and Korean American race relations connected to a large-scale disturbance in the 1992 Los Angeles riots. The second generation Korean American Steph Cha's Your House Will Pay (2019) focuses on a social portrait of the racially marginalized beings as Korean immigrant merchants and African American native consumers. This family saga explores issues resulting from racial hierarchy, racialized stereotypes, and historical marginalization in the internalized sociometry of race and class inequality. This work grapples with issues involved in a sociocultural web of racial triangulation under the white dominant structure, and ensuing intergroup conflicts of social minorities in the economic geography of urban space. It opens up civil discussions for transracial, transethnic, and transcultural interactions and coexistence. It ultimately leads to extending young people's minds for a deep understanding of the socioecomonic landscape of racial matrix, and enhancing the cultural literacy for a better awareness of social empathy and the communal respect of life.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.116-154
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• 2015

Officially given a historical signifier as Gwangju Democratic Movement since 1987, far-right and conservative group have restated that $5{\cdot}18$ is a rebellion and a riot that was committed by rebellious elements who obeyed North Korea's command or who were connected with North Korea. As those who had been responsible for the rebellion, revolt and riot were rewarded, far-right and conservatives' collective narrative that a country was born where the pro-North Korea left became dominated aroused extreme hostility towards $5{\cdot}18$. Far-right and conservatives involved in many different fields such as political party, university, press and media and civil group carry out incendiary discourse politics with intention to reestablish history and memory of $5{\cdot}18$ in their own story. Many people at online sites such as Ilbe Storehouse who are considered 'young right wing' is a main route to spread the far-right groups' remarks on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is a main channel to reconstitute and reproduce the far-right conservatives' remarks and information on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is one of main area where remarks of disparagement and ridicule, hostility and hatred on $5{\cdot}18$ unfurl. This study collects $5{\cdot}18$-related remarks and stories unfolded at Ilbe and examines how these remarks and stories make significance as to $5{\cdot}18$ and how information resources which remarks are dependent upon are connected each other. In this process, this study intends to find implications of incendiary politics that echoed of remarks on $5{\cdot}18$ have which at the online site Ilbe and by the far-right conservatives.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.157-165
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• 2013

This study examines how East German police was absorbed into the Unified Germany Police. The experience of Germany suggests a few implications and preview points when the two Koreas unify how North Korean police to absorb and utilize, which is the purpose of this study. According to a study, in a unified transition in North Korea, 110,000 police forces is needed in order to cope with an outbreak of rioting and public disorder in North Korea. It is never easy, in an imminent unification, to secure a large number of police forces in a short time. We cannot help making the best use of North Korean police. At this point, the German case would be nice for us to see the implications presented. Because West German police led the integration of East Germany in the People's Police, and reemployed them under certain conditions. As a result, by taking over the People's Police of North Korea without friction with the security of the high security demand required by the unification process in the future, it is necessary to achieve seamless integration of the North-South police.

• Journal of the Health Care and Life Science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.141-146
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• 2021

Determination of capsaicin, dihydrocapsaicin and nonivamide in pungent liquids of self-defense spray were studied. The nonivamide having almost same spicy taste with capsaicin have been containing a few amounts in natural products, it had called as synthetic capsaicin or PAVA, have used to flavorings for foodstuffs and incapacitating agents of riot controls. Nowadays, it has been occasionally found that the quality controls of a self-defense sprays were not properly due to flood of illegal self-defense sprays. Thus, the simple analytical method with gas chromatography is developed, it is identified whether the products which have contained synthetic capsaicin were marked like natural materials as well as the pungent ingredients in it obeyed with permissible concentration to human or not was investigated. Finally, the pungent components and amounts in some kinds of self-defense spray were investigated.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.221-244
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• 2019

This paper attempts to analyze the role of Nigeria's current President Major (Rtd) Mahammudu Buhari and the immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan in dealing with the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria. Nigeria has not been without its fair share of conflict. In fact, no decade of post-Independent Nigeria has been conflict free. With several coups, general strikes and a civil war, Nigerians have had to experience some of the most sordid tragedies arising from difference of opinions and distrust. It is interesting to mention that the conflict in Nigeria has not received the needed attention as it were. The leadership of Goodluck Jonathan did not receive the same effort and cooperation as compared to Muhammadu Buhari who came into office in May 2015. This paper argues the important roles played by the two Nigerian leaders which either aided or prevented collaboration. Goodluck Jonathan was perceived as a weak and indecisive leader whose leadership failed to effectively handle the Boko Haram insurgency. Muhammadu Buhari assumed office with a lot of high hopes and expectations from the Nigerian population and the international community to tackle the Boko Haram insurgency.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.48
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• pp.141-179
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• 2016

In May 2011, the 1980 Archives for the May 18th Democratic Uprising or the "5 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement" were registered as a UNESCO Memory of the World. This historic moment told the world that the 5 18 movement is a valuable and historical asset. However, despite the international recognition, archives that deny of such facts are still rampant because of misdirected standings and prejudices. These sources even develop discourses by distorting the archives to justify their claims. Accordingly, the study aimed to identify how these sources form ideologies surrounding the 5 18 movement discourses, which are characteristic of extreme social standings. It explored the possibility of the distortion of archives presented for each discourse and reconsidered the archivists' positions and roles to cope with such possibility. In addition, the author aims to suggest a more systemic strategy to advance the existing responses against the distortions, as well as provide discourses that are based on true and accurate archives mainly to students who have not yet been introduced to such distorted discourses. In the future, archivists shall try to develop positive awareness about the 5 18 discourses rather than maintain passive positions that provide information from limited archives. Through this, it is expected that this study will advance future analyses that would be effective against the distortion of archives.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.466-479
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• 2021

Fake news is flooded with fake news that mixes untrue falsehoods in whole or in part. In order to create a frame for political and social purposes, news is mainly created by combining facts with fakes, or news is created for the purpose of incitement to encourage distortion and hatred. In particular, some media, including over-the-air broadcasting, are expressing their political bias in a specific direction without hesitation. Even if the press has political bias, if it is based on the delivery of facts, a trusted media environment can be achieved under the mutual checks of conservatives and progressives. The May 18 Democratic Uprising is a painful history and fact of modern history, leaving remuneration and progress. Nevertheless, there is still a view that the May 18 Democratic Uprising is regarded as 'democracy movement' and 'violence'. This study analyzed how the conservative JoongAng Ilbo and the progressive Kyunghyang Shinmun Manpyeong deal with the May 18 Democratic Uprising. The Manpyeong of the two newspapers differs greatly from the viewpoint of the May 18 Democratic Uprising. The liberal tendency of the Kyunghyang Shinmun Manpyeong has great significance in that it reveals the essence of the event and satirizes the subject. On the other hand, the conservative JoongAng Ilbo Manpyeong cannot approach the nature of the case or the object of satire due to ambiguity.