• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.269-281
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• 2016

This article problematizes and interrogates the idea of 'community' which is increasingly important in Korean urban policy-making. For the purpose, this article scrutinizes, and compares, how ordinary citizen participants and civil society activist organizations in a 'community garden' program of Seoul make sense of, utilize, and practice the policy concept. The neo-Faucauldian perspective of 'governmentality' is employed to understand the association between the community-focused policy program and neoliberalism, but Barnett's( 2005) call for 'bottom-up governmentality' is taken seriously in order to avoid any deterministic interpretation. On the basis of this eclectic perspective on governmentality, this article presents empirical findings that may suggest a contestation over community between ordinary citizens and civil society activists. More specifically, ordinary citizen participants prioritize place-based, on-the-ground community experiences that are built on common cultivation practices, whereas civil society activists tend to consider community garden as a teleological governmental technology generative of particular citizen subjects. Civic community garden advocacy as such aims to address social, economic, and spatial problems that neoliberalsim has produced, but it also appears to be in a close association with neoliberal urban policy. Thus, the community activism's meaningfulness lies in its active intervention to neoliberal urban policy, but a gap between ordinary practical achievements and civic activism can be a potential danger to urban community policy. On the basis of this discussion, this article asks more detailed investigations about the taken-for-granted positivity of urban community (re)vitalization programs, and also examinations on whether and how such projects generates emergent tensions between ordinary achievements and policy prescriptions.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.679-700
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• 2012

This study aims to examine Mark Twain's criticism of American capitalistic ideals in the late nineteenth century. During this second industrial revolution, industry showed rapid growth and capitalism established an order, while America suffered under the monopolization of capitalistic conglomerates. This resulted in the widening gap between the rich and the poor and the dehumanization caused by rapid industrialization. In A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court, Hank Morgan, the protagonist--who represents nineteenth-century America's industrialism, individualism, and capitalism--is sent back in time to the sixth century of Arthurian England. Hank attempts to introduce nineteenth-century technologies and machines to build a capitalistic system in the middle ages. However, Hank's efforts lead to disaster in which the country and civilization he worked to build is completely destroyed. Although Twain does not deny capitalistic ideals, he criticizes the "governmentality" that operates Hank's reform system to the extreme. Hank values efficiency and utilizes human beings as capital. Hank's economic reason not only transforms the Round-Table knights into speculators but also transforms their religious acts and abstract ideals into moneymaking businesses. The destructive ending anticipates the World Wars and the Great Depression in the first half of twentieth century and even serves to predict the dangers that follow.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.265-294
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• 2017

In the early days of human history, the governing groups of rulers needed to justify their rule. The cause of rule became the ruling ideology. In China, the backbone of the ruling ideology was originally referred to as 'Di(帝)' or 'Shangdi(上帝)', who was later replaced by 'Tian(天)', Heaven. So there was a claim that Heaven gave the cause of the rule. This idea is the 'Tianming (天命)' idea. When the Zhou(周) Dynasty took control of the central government, the 'Tianming' idea had had a relatively sophisticated form. It was the 'Zhouli(周禮)' that organized the systematic order of the Zhou Dynasty. After this system collapsed, those who recognized 'Zhouli' as a desirable social system considered the collapse of 'Zhouli' as a situation of turbulent age. It was Qin(秦) State that unified all of the states of the period. However, after the unification, the Qin Dynasty fell sharply. The next dynasty was the Han(漢) Dynasty. The new ruling powers of the Han Dynasty needed to justify their regime. That means that it was necessary to establish the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty. The representative of the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty was Dongzhongshu, whose thought was based on Confucianism. His thought was related to "Chunqiugongyangzhuan(春秋公羊傳)", an interpretation of "Chunqiu(春秋)". This interpretation perspective is based on the idea of religious Heaven. Dongzhongshu thought that there were co-communions between Heaven and humans. His thought has the meaning of political theology in which rulers hold the basis of the rulers' sovereignty.

• Journal of Korea Game Society
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.143-154
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• 2013

This article explores on the deploying of game rating system in the context of whole game governance. Rating system is critical apparatus of game policy because it works as a kind of counterweight between different actors. We analyse to apply the three form of governmentality by Faucault. Rating system can be commonly considered as security mechanism. Korean rating system has hoped to be so but its effect was not actually. We should see why that system evolve to disciplinary mechanism, not toward security mechanism. Sound governance shows to be ensure all actors to participate its procedures practically, through constituting more rich discourse.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.5-29
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• 2013

This study criticizes the neoliberal dominance in social web popular culture from a feminist perspective. A key question is to identify the nature of the social web popular culture-is it the repercussion or recapturing of feminism in relation to the social context of the prevalence of popular cultural practices of neoliberalism and how to challenge against neoliberal ideology with the critical positioning of feminism? In dealing with these questions, four celebrities' twitter discourses are analysed. The emphasis of smartness in digital mediascape, neoliberal imperative to be competitive, autonomous, positive and affirmative, and desire and fantasy brought by postfeminist lifestyle industries are embedded in the present popular culture. The critical account of neoliberal postfeminism suggests the necessity of an critical feminism which brings about alternative values to the current neoliberal demand for the active subject and consumer freedom of choice as the standard of ideal women.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.74
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• pp.38-71
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• 2015

Based on the Foucault's governmentality, this study has described the self-government strategy that healing discourse is implemented during 2011-2013. Healing discourse's priority is the existence value of individual and full concentration about self is needed more than anything. In this process, people who need to heal and comfort are limit to de-politicized individuals. Healing discourse emphasizes that the current enhancement in order to become reflection and growth of self. Demands of reflection and growth is substitute the critics of the era and society, but also act as a specific code of conduct to individuals. While emphasizes the reflection and personal growth, healing discourse has top priority of the current value. However, in this process, criticism of the era issues and social structural factors are fundamentally excluded. People accepted healing discourse actively, decided empowering self by reflection and remorse. On the other hand, there is a crack and specificity in the dominant reception discourse likewise some subjects criticized that there is no realistic consolation, exposed the antipathy to the older generation, denied the way of problematized objectification. But this is a partial denial about healing as concrete technology, not fundamental resistance about neoliberal orders.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.69
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• pp.71-110
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• 2015

Beyond the technological behaviorism-oriented notion of prosumers, the current study explores the question of digital creative labour of the youth in the interrelated context of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal ethos of selfhood. This analysis is situated particularly in the social conflicts and struggles in Korea, where the problems related to the precarization of the younger generation have been increasingly aggravated (in the realm of embodied reality) whereas their digital activities have been highly expressive (in the realm of mediated reality). The contradictions embedded in the question of the labour of the youth are delineated in the respect of the subjectivities of young free labour, or 'digital creative labour' in proposed terms: the precarious young free labour in Korea is the compound of social fragmentation, economic polarization, expansion of cognitive and emotion labour, boom of hedonistic consumerism, economic-cultural celebration of creativity and self-entrepreneurship, technological saturation of digital media, subjective/collective affects around excitement and ambition but also of anxiety and fear. The ambivalence and complexity of the young free labour is converged at the emergence of homo-economicus (Michel Foucault) through the subjectivation of the social (con)fusion of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal governmentality of selfhood.

• KOREAN POULTRY JOURNAL
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• v.11 no.10 s.120
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• pp.114-116
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• 1979

항생물질은 만병통치의 대명사가 아니며 적기적소에 가장 효율적으로 사용함으로 소기의 목적을 얻을 수 있다는 사실을 사양가들과 기술자 들에게 좀더 생각해볼수 있는 기회가 되길 바라며 축산사육경험이 많을수록 질병의 위험을 항생물질에 의존하는 막연한 생각에 도움이 되길 바란다. 우수한 축산물을 생산하기 위하여 우선 내가 선택한 사양관리방법에 돌이켜보고 그 다음 부족한 곳에 항생물질의 원조를 받아서 수익성 높은 축산경영을 기대해야 할 것이다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.146-160
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• 2009

Recent studies on development are increasingly focusing on analyzing development discourse and de constructing its institutionalization process in the nation-state. By pushing up the limit of the research on development, these studies particularly emphasize how development is articulated with the nation-state, its governmentality, and various representations. These studies overall consider development a powerful discourse, which invents under-development, mobilizes resources for changing particular space, and institutionalizes modem systems of socio-spatial control at a local scale. In this sense, it is particularly interesting to look at how the nation-state, faced with the deterritorialization of labor and capital, reterritorializes overseas resources and networks for the purpose of development. By problematizing the Overseas Koreans Foundation as a transnational state apparatus, this paper interrogates the way in which its institutionalized practices conjure up the national imagination, ethnic solidarity, and collective allegiance to the homeland in diaspora communities. This paper conclusively reports that the state apparatus circulates the discourse of transnational nationalism in Korean diaspora so as to appropriate their resources and networks for securing foreign currencies and investment in the homeland.