• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.129-163
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• 2016

This study examines processes of cultural introductions and transformations among Korea, China and Japan via focuses on the formative characteristics of nasori(納曾利) masks belonging to komagaku (高麗樂), part of bugaku (舞樂), a Japanese court dance and music. Previous studies of traditional masks in East Asia focus on their dramatic characters and entertaining aspects. On the contrary, it approaches to their origins through the formative characteristics of komagaku nasori masks. Prince of Lanling, the representative togaku passed to Japan, and komagaku nasori perform a pair of toubu (答舞). One formative characteristic between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks is a dangling jaw (吊り顎). Masks having 'he' (へ)-shaped eyes like Japan's okina (翁) masks are characterized by a division (切顎) between the face and jaw, which is as same as the Korean masks. Other common grounds between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks are grotesque ghost faces and concentric double-circled eyes with their outlines painted gold. Concentric double-circled eyes prove that they spread to broader areas before the age of togaku and developed into a variety of divine-animal mask patterns. That Korean masks and nasori masks both have concentric double-circled eyes and dangling jaws is a significant starting point in studying the origin of traditional performing art in East Asia. Japan's bugaku has been passed down in shrines as part of folk religion. However, there exist in Korea no records or examples related to komagaku nasori masks introduced to Japan. This study provides some clues to comparison between Korean masks and komagaku nasori masks by focusing on the formative characteristics of the latter. The researcher suggests a new perspective to nasori mask dance by re-examining earlier Korean studies of the introduction of Daemyeonmu of Prince of Lanling to Japan through Shilla and the assumption of Nasori as Shilla music.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.11
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• pp.221-249
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• 2007

Today, photography is facing to the crisis of identity and dilemma of ontology from the digital imaging process in the new technology form. It is very important points to say rethinking of the traditional photographic medium, that has changed the way we view the world and ourselves is perhaps an understatement and that photography has transformed our essential understanding of reality. Now, no longer are photographic images regarded as the true automatic recording, innocent evidence and the mirror to the reality. Rather, photography constructs the world for our entertainment, helping to create the comforting illusions by which we live. The recognition that photographs are not constructions and reflections of reality, is the basis for the actual presence within the contemporary photographic world. It is shock. This thesis's aim is to look for the problems of photographic identity and ontological crisis that is controlling and regulating digital photographic imagery, allowing the reproduction of the electronic simulations era. Photography loses its special aesthetic status and becomes no more true information and, exclusively evidence by traditional film and paper that appeared both as a technological accuracy and as a medium-specific aesthetic. The result, photography is facing two crises, one is the photographic ontology(the introduction of computerized digital images) and the other is photographic epistemology(having to do broader changes in ethics, knowledge and culture). Taken together, these crises apparently threaten us with the death of photography, with the 'end' of photography and the culture it sustains. The thesis's meaning is to look into the dilemma of photography's ontology and epistemology, especially, automatical index and digital codes from its origin, meaning, and identity as the technological medium. Thus, in particular, thesis focuses on the analog imagery presence, from the nature in the material world, and the digital imagery presence from the cultural situations in our society. And also thesis's aim is to examine the main issues of the history of photography has been concentrated on the ontological arguments since the discovery of photography in 1839. Photography has never been only one static technology form. Rather, its nearly two centuries of technological development have been marked by numerous, competing of technological innovation and self revolution from the dual aspects. This thesis examines recent account of photography by the analysis of the medium's concept, meaning, identity between film base image and digital base image from the aspects of photographic ontology and epistemology. Thus, the structure of thesis is fairy straightforward to examine what appear to be two opposing view of photographic conditions and ontological situations. Thesis' view contrasts that figure out the value of photography according to its fundamental characteristic as a medium. Also, it seeks a possible solution to the dilemma of photographic ontology through the medium's origin from the early years of the nineteenth century to the raising questions about the different meaning(analog/digital) of photography, now. Finally, this thesis emphasizes and concludes that the photographic ontological crisis reflects to the paradoxical dynamic structure, that unsolved the origins of the medium, itself. Moreover, even photography is not single identity of the photographic ontology, and also can not be understood as having a static identity or singular status from the dynamic field of technologies, practices, and images.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.35-73
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• 2014

This paper examined the poem world of Simjae(深齋) Cho Geung-seop(曺兢燮: 1873-1933) in the turning point of the modern era, focused on his Hwaunsi (和韻詩: Poems written by using the rhymes of other poets' poems). In his poems, there are lots of Hwaunsi on the poems of Tu Fu(杜甫) and Su Shi(蘇軾), especially. This makes him regarded as a medieval poet, engaged in Chinese poem creation in the most traditional method in the turbulent period. Looking at the Hawunsi(和韻詩) alone, Simjae's creative life became the starting point of turnaround at around 40 years old. Before the age of 40, the poets in the Tang Dynasty and Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty and Korean figures like Lee Hwang(李滉), as well as Tu Fu and Su Shi were the subjects of his Hwanunsi. After the age of 40, some examples of writing poems using the rhymes of other poets' poems, especially Korean figures related to regions, are often found, reducing Hwaunsi on Tu Fu and Su Shi. Simjae called Tu Fu the integration of poets, talking about the integrity of poetic talent and his being highly proficient in mood and view. As reflecting such an awareness, the themes and moods and views are demonstrated diversely in Simjae's Hwaunsi. Although, he did not reveal his thinking about the poems of Su Shi, he seemed to love Su Shi's poems to some degree. The closeness to the original poems, the poems of Tu Fu are relatively higher than those of Su Shi. Roughly speaking, Simjae tried to find his own individuality, intending to follow Tu Fu, but, he seemed to attempt to reveal his intention using Su Shi's poems, rather than trying to imitate. To carefully examine, Simjae wrote Hwaunsi, but he did not just imitate, but revealed the aesthetics of comparison and difference. In many cases, he made new meanings by implanting his intentions in the poems, while sharing the opportunity of creation, rather than bringing the theme and mood and view as they are. The Hwaunsi on Su Shi's poems reveal the closeness to the original poems relatively less. This can be the trace of an effort to make his own theme and individuality, not being dominated by the Hwaun(和韻: using the rhymes of other poets' poems) entirely, as he used the creative method having many restrictions. However, it is noted that the Hwaunsi on Tu Fu's poems was not written much, after the age of 40. Is this the reason why he realized literary reality that he could not cope with anymore with only his effort within the Hwaunsi? For example, he wrote four poems by borrowing Su Shi's Okjungsi(獄中詩: poem written in jail) rhymes and also wrote Gujung Japje(拘中雜題), in 1919, while he was detained. In these poems, his complex contemplation and emotion, not restricted by any poet's rhymes, are revealed diversely. Simjae's Hwaunsi testifies the reality, in which Chinese poetry's habitus existed and the impressive existence mode at the turning point of the modern era. Although, the creation of Hwaunsi reflects his disposition of liking the old things, it is judged that his psychology, resisting modern characters' change, affected to some degree in the hidden side. In this regard, Simaje's Hwaunsi encounters limitation on its own, however, it has significance in that some hidden facts were revealed in the modern Chinese poetry history, which was captured with attention under the name of novelty, eccentricity and modernity.

• The Journal of Korean Academy of Prosthodontics
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.147-152
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• 2013

Purpose: The aim of this study was to propose the position of maxillary anterior teeth and intercanine width measurements based on the incisive papilla in accordance with the cephalic type and gender of dentate Korean adult with normal teeth alignment. Materials and methods: 42 students with Class I normal occlusion, without crowding or spacing, were selected from the Chonnam National University School of Dentistry. The lateral skull radiographs of the subjects were taken and were classified as different cephalic types, based on their PFH / AFH ratios. 42 casts of their maxilla were prepared and both the distance between the upper central incisors and the middle of the incisor papilla was measured with a vernier caliper (A) and the distance between the maxillary canine cusp tips (B) were measured. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS version 15 and their significance was investigated. Results: For dolichocephalic group, the mean values for A and B were 8.43 (SD: 0.61) and 36.73 (SD: 2.17), respectively. The mean value for A was 8.51 (SD: 1.27) for the mesocephalic group and 8.76 (SD 1.03) for the brachycephalic group. The mean value for B was 35.91 (SD: 1.86) for the mesocephalic group and 37.34 (SD: 2.23) for the brachycephalic group. For the male group, the mean A value was 8.86 (SD: 1.04) and the mean B value was 37.60 (SD: 0.24). For the female group, the mean A value was 8.41 (SD: 0.93) and the mean B value was 36.18 (SD: 2.01). The difference between male and female group in A values were not statistically significant (P>.05). The B values of the male subjects were greater than those of the female subjects and was statistically significant (P<.05). Conclusion: 42 students with normal dentition and occlusion in korea, the distance from the incisive papilla and the incisal edge of maxillary central incisors had no difference in cephalic type or gender. However, the distance between the cusp tip of both canines had significant difference in gender where the male showed higher values than the female, while having no difference in cephalic types.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.62-79
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• 2020

The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple is a giant rock-carved Buddhist statue that was built in 1928 during the Japanese colonial era. Although it is a year-recorded Buddhist statue that occupies a prominent place in modern Korean Buddhist sculpture history, it has not been the subject of in-depth discussion due to weak research on modern Buddhist sculptures. In this study, to examine the various significant aspects of the rock-carved Seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple as a modern Buddhist sculpture, I have managed to determine its construction year, artificers, and patrons by deciphering the inscription around the rock-carved statue; in addition I have researched the effects of the rock shapes and landforms on the formation of the Buddhist statue by comparing and analyzing the points of view of both artificers and worshipers. I have also identified the specific circumstances of the time of construction from interviews with the descendants of artificers. A monk from Geumgangsan Mountain, Lee Hwaeung, took the role of sponsor and chief painter to construct the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa temple. In the beginning of its construction in 1928, more than 100 donators jointly sponsored the construction of the statue. Gansong Jeon Hyoungphil sponsored alone at the time of the place of worship's expansion in 1938. Bomunsa Temple has been regarded as one of the top-three sacred places of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva together with Naksansa Temple in Yang Yang and Boriam in Nam Hae, due to the construction of the rock-carved statue. It took about three months to construct the statue. Lee Hwaeung drew a rough sketch and then Un Songhag and five masons from Ganghwa Island took part in the carving process. We can observe the line drawing technique around the rock-carved statue because the statue was carved based on the rough sketch of the monk painter. The aspect of Lee Hwaeung as a painter is revealed; therefore, we can identify the clue of painting pattern leading to Seogongchulyou- Hwaunghyoungjin- Ilonghyegag. The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple is a typical Avalokiteśvara that wears a jeweled crown and holds Kundica. It makes a strong impression as it has a big square-shaped face and a short neck and is unsophisticated in general. The artificers solved the issue of visual distortion of the rock-carved statue caused by carving on a 10-meter high and 40-degree sloping rock by controlling motion to its maximum, omitting detailed expression by emphasizing symmetry, and adjusting the head-to-body proportion to be almost one-to-one. In this study, especially, I presume the unified form of sacred sculptures and Buddhist altars, without making a Buddhist altar like the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple, to be a key characteristic of modern Buddhist sculptures. Furthermore, I make newly clear that the six letters of Sanskrit carved on nimbus, which had been interpreted as a Six-Syllable Mantra, are a combination with Jeongbeopgye and Sabang Mantras. In addition, three iron rings driven on eaves rock were used as a reference point, and after construction they were used as a decoration for the Bodhisattva with hanging wind chimes.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.