• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.115-142
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• 2012

This study aimed to analyze the relative influence of related variables on the university students' civic consciousness. The study sorted out the data for 1,200 university students from a larger data set collected by Son et al.(2009), and analyzed the data by a hierarchical regression analysis method. The study showed the major results in four aspects. First, personal characteristics and home environment variables had mostly no influence on the students' civic consciousness. Second, on the sub categories of the students' civic consciousness, almost no influence was found in case of the home environment variables on democratic constitution and participation-practice, and in case of the school environment variables on value and attitude. Third, among the home and school variables, parents' attitude(${\beta}$=.228) and professors(${\beta}$=.162) had positive influences on the students' civic consciousness. The results suggest that parents and professors should be the two principal axises in the cultivating process of the students' civic consciousness. Third, on the democratic participation and practice no positive influences were found in any of the social environment variables. Among the social environment variables, politicians(${\beta}$=-.238) and corporations(${\beta}$=-.097) had rather negative influences on the democratic participation and practice. These results raised the question on how school education and social political systems are operated in the democratic manners. Fourth, the study recommends that local government would establish the civic education centers, develop various civic education programs, and provide each school with the programs. The study also recommends that each university would democratize in all the school affairs, and actively implement the civic education for university students as a specialized project.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.1-47
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• 2017

This paper examines how democracy is being taught in secondary school level of Indonesian civic education. For this purpose, this study analyses the textbook contents concerning democracy. First, this study sets the freedom, the right, the unity and the stability as key words and analyzes the characteristic of describing democracy by looking at how each keyword is explained in the textbook. The result of analysis shows that democracy of Indonesia can be described as "Pancasila democracy" and textbooks have tendency to relatively emphasize 'the unity', and 'the stability' by differentiating themselves from "liberal democracy" and "liberalism." The freedom in textbook can be interpreted in the context of organic-statism that state and interests of state have the ascendancy over individuals. This viewpoint is based on the historical contexts of Indonesia. However, when textbook describes about Indonesian democracy and its values, they deal with contents of democratic principles, "the freedom of opposition", "the negative freedom", and natural rights. And the study interprets the existence of the two contrasting concepts - relative emphasis on the unity of state and the statement about the importance of individual rights and the freedom - in the textbook as a logical tension in transitional process of traditional organic-statism. Second, the study examines educational contents in accordance with the method of description in textbook. It has been found that there are logical tension and fallacy in describing the principle of fundamental concepts and applicate that concepts into Indonesia case. Also, when describing Marsinah and Munir case, there are some parts distorted and overlooked the facts. On the other hand, the gaps between the explanation in textbook and reality can be pointed out. This study which examined textbook and contents of the rights of the individual is an introductory study on textbook, education and democracy for development of Indonesia and their education.

• 한국IT서비스학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.05a
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• pp.532-539
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• 2005

최근 세계적으로 전자정부에서의 시민역량을 증대시키기 위한 노력이 시작되는 동향을 보이고 있다. 이에 따라 거버넌스 관점에서 시민참여에 대한 이론 및 실증적 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있으나, 거버넌스 지원을 위한 차세대 전자정부시스템의 개발에 대한 연구는 상대적으로 적은 관심밖에 받지 못하고 있다. 거버넌스 지원 전자정부시스템은 주로 정부기관의 기능 강화에 초점을 두고 있는 기존의 전자정부시스템과 달리 능동적인 시민참여에 중점을 두어야 하며, 복잡하고 정보가 광역 분산된 민주사회 환경에서 보안과 프라이버시 등의 핵심 민주주의 가치를 유지하면서도 시민을 포함한 모든 구성원 사이의 정보공유와 이를 위한 조정 기능을 제공하여 모든 참여자가 정보를 적절히 공유할 수 있는 능력을 향상시킬 수 있도록 하여야 한다. 이러한 거버넌스 지원 전자정부시스템의 개발에 중요한 요소 중의 하나는 보안과 프라이버시를 유지하면서도 쌍방간의 정보공유를 가능하게 하는 P2P 통신 메커니즘이다. 본 논문은 거버넌스 지원 전자정부시스템의 특성과 요구사항을 살펴 보고 이를 바탕으로 P2P 통신에 대한 요구사항과 적합한 P2P 통신 모델에 대하여 논한다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.12
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• pp.250-257
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• 2011

3 years and 10 months has passed since the New Citizen Participation in Criminal Trial was first enforced to secure reliability of people by reinforcing democratic legitimacy of jurisdiction and raising transparency. It can be evaluated positive in that procedural democracy as well as fair and prudent trial is realized, enabling people to participate at criminal justice procedure. However, new citizen participation in criminal trial targets only a very few case and recognize hortatory effects of jury's verdict only, not the binding effects. In addition, it still has various problems including limit to target cases, selection system of defendants, exclusion determination system, participation of conference of the judge and verdict by majority vote of the jury. In this regard, this study aims to examine several issues and problems, and to present alternative for this.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.189-218
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• 2015

This article examines not the term "the public" or "publics"-which has various meanings-but its particular meaning, which is a group of citizens who engage in political discussion and debate with fellow citizens in order to form shared understandings and common judgments with regard to contemporary affairs and public issues. The goal of this article is to show the importance of this concept in critical studies of media and society and to analyze how this concept has been accepted in South Korean critical communication studies. In this article, critical communication studies refer to communication studies that aim to explore social meanings of communication phenomena. This article argues that little attention has been paid to the concept of the public as agreement-oriented discursive political participants in South Korean critical communication studies.

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2004.05a
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• pp.76-76
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• 2004

우리나라나 프랑스와 같이 오랜 역사를 지닌 나라의 행정구역은 이미 지역 정체성을 가지고 있는 공간 단위를 기초로 구획되었거나, 일단 행정구역으로 구획된 후 점차 정체성을 획득하는 과정을 밟아 왔다. 또한 오늘날 행정구역, 특히 지방자치 단체의 공간 규모와 성격은 참여 민주주의에 근거한 지방 분권의 실시, 국토의 효율적인 개발을 위해서도 점점 그 중요성을 더하고 있다. (중략)

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.73
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• pp.93-115
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to explore implications for intergenerational Christian education in Korean churches and families that struggle with "generational fragmentations" focusing on the conception of reciprocity and participation. For the faith community in Korea, "generational fragmentations" does not merely mean communication gaps or the disconnection between generations but also the absence of reciprocity and communal participation as a genuine intergenerational community of faith. With this phenomenon in mind, this study explores the concept of "intergenerationality" in education, focusing on reciprocity and participation. Next, this study examines the concepts of reciprocity and participation found in John Dewey's seminal works, Democracy and Education and Experience and Education based on his ideas of democracy and experience in relation to intergenerational Christian education for the Korean church and families. The present paper then attempts to find implications for intergenerational Christian education in the Korean church and family, showing the importance of an intergenerational community of faith with reciprocity and communal participation, and communal spiritual journey with children and adults.

• Review of KIISC
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.83-92
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• 2011

선거는 민주주의의 근본이 되는 절차로 투표는 국민이 주권을 행사할 수 있는 소중한 기회이다. 그러나 최근 들어 국내를 비롯한 여러 국가에서 투표율이 지속적으로 하락하는 추세를 나타내면서 민주주의의 근간이 흔들리는 것은 아닌지 우려를 자아낸다. 전자투표는 투표의 준비, 투표, 투표결과의 집계 과정에 전자적인 기법을 도입하여 진행하는 투표로, 기존투표에 비해 시간적, 공간적 비용의 절감효과, 투표율의 상승을 기대할 수 있어 미국, 영국을 비롯한 여러 유럽 국가에서 도입하거나, 도입을 준비하고 있다. 그러나 전자투표는 투표 과정에서의 안전성을 반드시 보장해야 하며, 사용자 인터페이스를 강화하여 정보화 소외계층 및 노령층의 참여를 유도해야 하는 과제를 포함하고 있다. 이에 본 고에서는 전자투표의 기본적인 개념과 사용자의 친숙도를 강화한 전자투표 방식을 살펴봄으로써 전자투표의 실용화 방안에 대해 살펴보고자 한다.