• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.228
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• pp.27-27
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• 1998

한국사회 민주주의론을 다룬 두 권의 책은 80년대 후반 시작된 민주주의 논의의 연장선상에 서 있다는 점에서 공통적이다. 앞의 책이 '민주주의 공고화' 단계에 진입했는지 여부를 중점적으로 다뤘다면 뒤의 책은 참여민주주의에 대한 본격적인 저작이다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.137-158
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• 2023

In the modern digitized data society, there is a growing emphasis on securing trustworthiness and fairness in data utilization, along with data openness. By defining the concept of data democracy from various perspectives and presenting elements of normative values, this study aims to provide a basic conceptual framework to identify and evaluate the data governance system and levels of data democracy. As a foundation for the discussion of data democracy, based on Kneuer's (2016) conceptualization of e-democracy, free and equitable access, e-participation, and e-government were introduced as core dimensions of e-democracy. To improve the quality of data governance and foster a better understanding and practical application of the concept of data democracy, this study takes a normative approach from the perspective of democracy. Inclusiveness, equity, participation, and democratic sovereignty are provided as core dimensions of data democracy. This study highlights the significance of data literacy in promoting data democracy. It proposes the creation and assessment of a curriculum rooted in the normative principles of data democracy within the field of library and information science for future investigation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.295-306
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• 2015

This study aims to investigate the aspect of volunteering and donation of highschool students in Seongnam city and further the relationship between volunteering and democratic civic consciousness. To that end, 155 students from an ordinary highschool and a foreign language highschool participated in a survey. The result showed that female students' participation rates of volunteering and monetary donations were higher than male students' but there was no difference in the participation rates between the schools. The civic consciousness level was not affected by the gender, but was affected by the schools. The scores for the attitude of democracy were better than those for the value and the participation of democracy. In particular, the students from the foreign language highschool had higher scores for the participation of democracy relative to the students from the highschool. As for the relationship between volunteering and democratic civic consciousness, there was a significant difference in civic consciousness scores between students who had participated in volunteering and those who had not, only in the case of the students from the ordinary highschool. Additionally, it was revealed volunteering and donating were compensatory behavior. Although single factors in volunteering influencing the civic consciousness were not found, persistence was important.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

Recently, in the conservative wave in Latin America, the political participation of the conservative Pentecostal Church has been highlighted. This article analyzes the impact of this political participation on democracy and its development, based on the case of Brazil. First, the Pentecostal churches contributed greatly to religious pluralism, but show an exclusive and aggressive attitude toward other religions and ideologies. Also, in the process of selecting official candidates, most members of the churches are politically mobilized according to the unilateral decisions of the leadership, and these elected candidates serve the specific corporatist interests of their own denomination or church rather than the public interest. In addition, the purpose of political participation to obtain public offices is also a stumbling block to the development of democracy in Brazil by placing it in the direct realization of a specific religious interests or values of the rebuilding of the Christian kingdom.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.123-153
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• 2001

This article addresses the 2nd Korean consensus conference on cloning that was held by the Korean National commission for UNESCO in 1999. Though previous perspectives recognized the conference as a new citizen's participatory institution. they do not consider that it contains the ideal of deliberative democracy. This article notes that the citizens participated directly and handled the important social agenda through debate in the consensus conference. The consensus conference is another democratic form derived from preference aggregating democracy in the sense that it basically depends on public judgement of the citizens. This consensus conference has the historical meaning because it is in fact the first experiment of deliberative democracy in Korea. 1) We examine the theoretical foundations of consensus conference. They are social constructionism of science, the tradition of societal debate, and deliberative democracy. 2) We explore what deliberative democracy is. It is different from aggregating preference democracy in the sense that it depends on public judgement rather than private preferences. 3) We investigate the features and meaning of deliberative democracy which has experiment on the conference. In the Consensus Conference it was observed that citizens changed their preferences and went forward to developing their view of community as a result of the process of deliberation. It can be said to confirm the significance of deliberative democracy. However, it is simultaneously an opportunity to clarify some problems of deliberative democracy. First of all, it shows that there were hierarchies within the citizens' panel as well as between the citizens' and the specialists' panels. Secondly, there are difficulties in expressing the value of life in argument or discourse. Also, we need the institutional efforts concerning future generations and nonhuman beings in the respect that cloning relates to them.

• Monthly Korean Chicken
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• s.127
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• pp.90-92
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• 2006

지난해 12월 23일 오후 2시에 필자는 육계자조금 대의원 총회를 축하하려고 그 현장에 갔다가 '자조금과 민주주의'의 단면을 다시금 실감하고 그냥 돌아왔다. 폭설과 정족수 등의 문제도 있었지만 준비위 세 단체의 이견이 제대로 조정되지 않은 채 그 중요한 대의원회 우선 열고 봐야 했다는 점을 알았기 때문이다. 오히려 딴 이유가 생겨 불필요한 토론과 혼란이 불가피 했을 첫 모임에 그럴듯한 구실을 만들어 준 것이 다행이었는지도 모른다는 씁쓸한 생각까지 하게 된 것이다. 자조금은 많은 논란을 거치고 나야 비로소 자리가 잡힌다. 민주주의 성취와 마찬가지이다. 육계 의무자조금도 이제까지 준비과정에서 겪어온 일과 앞으로 결코 쉽지 않을 것 같은 절차를 너무나 당연한 것으로 여겨야 할 것이다. 여럿이 참여하는 민주주의가 어디 마음대로 잘 되어지던가.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2004

Balanced regional development' is rehabilitated as contemporary national agenda by Roh government. The regional equity policies has been justified as insuring more 'even development opportunity'. It is required further examination that the intrinsic relationships between spatial equity and 'the participatory democracy' of the government. The participatory democracy was estimated an important method to achieve 'the alternative development' of the new social movement. But the rapid evolution of transportation and electronic nudes of communication technology strengthened spatial concentration, especially concentration of authoritative resources. These concentrations have a tendency of participation exclusion in the symbolic social practice such as ideological and political decision-making. In order to realize participatory democracy, It is not sufficient to decentralize administration authorities. The reallocation and upbringing policies of symbolic practices such as cultural industries and education facilities is very important.

• 열린충남
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• s.67
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• pp.96-103
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• 2014

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.3-18
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• 2015

We explore the issues on online political participation study in Korea compared with international one. More specifically, we characterize Korea's study trends as focusing on "who" is participating while international studies center on what the new "forms" of online political participation are. In other words, domestic studies try to show that online media play a role as a factor promoting bottom-up model of civic participation. Moreover, this function of online media is stimulated by the rapid growing of civic participation during democratization and citizens' deep disapproval of political institutions since then. However, previous studies are more interested in the expansion of participants, in particular, ordinary people. Therefore, the themes on conceptualizing and categorizing the online political participation seem to have been treated lightly. In this perspective, we need to view online political participation in a more multidimensional manner. In addition, we should pay attention to "those who do not participate" as well as "those who participate" in politics. Because the current media environment more tends to provoke citizens' political indifference than ever before. If it comes to that, we will be likely to face the circumstances worrying the democratic divide beyond the digital divide.