• 대학교육
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• s.17
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• pp.28-32
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• 1985

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.61-84
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• 2013

This article examines how the Chinese government blocks the inflow of undesirable information, focusing on the technical aspect of the control mechanism. Unlike Cuba and North Korea, which regulate the whole Internet, China uses both state-of-the-art technological supervision and labor-intensive physical control due to economic reasons in order to prepare for actors who can threaten the Communist party. The Chinese government will not overlook the inflow of information which can be the link between demonstrations and democratization. This is because stronger protests utilizing information technology will trigger the Chinese government's flexible control based on large scale violation and technology. In this article, we first review the concept of universal internet control involved in internet regulation in nations, and then focus on China's internet censorship and its regulatory control from the '90s to the present. Finally, we analyze how the Chinese government actively controls the internet access by utilizing the relationship dynamics between the central and local governments, depending on protest issue. This thesis will assume that it is difficult for China to become democratized due to its information interception, and search how the government manages the internet.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.12
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• pp.291-308
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• 2006

A regular aperture occurs between persons controlled and a person governing the society according to national formation and development. A ruler is subdivided into a king, the President, or the highest controller who can feel the uncertainty of ruler's position. To protect those people, it is called guard that used all possible means and ways to protect those people or remove the danger. An opening of guard was related to enhancement of royal authority or centralism. Firstly a military organization had acted for this, but the organization gradually became independent according to it's subdivision and systematization. During the period of the Three States and Unified Silla, the guard was needed new management system by enhancement of royal authority, expansion of the territory, and establishment of centralism. The new management system that organized the group of vassal and Siweebu take charge of guarding the king or serving as private soldiers. In the end of Silla, as a wide range of reformation of government organization, the organization of vassal like Jungsasung and Sunkyosung that developed as not only guard the king and prince but also hold the business writing.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.61-79
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• 2010

This study focuses on the emergence of collective intelligence and its impact on the democracy in the information era. Scholars have posed very different-optimistic and pessimistic-views on the possibility of collective knowledge produced by the public. Focusing on the cases of a free online encylopedia known as wikipedia and 2008 Candlelight Demonstration against the imports of US beef in Korea, this paper analyzes the mechanism of collective intelligence and its political implications on the democracy. Specifically, this article approaches changes in new knowledge paradigm with two different variables: the degree of connectivity and the quality of deliberation. Applying two different sets of variables helps us to distinguish the possibilities of collective intelligence and anti-intelligence, which would suggest social and political implications for the democracy in a country. This study finds a critical difference in terms of the quality of deliberation, measured by the indicators such as diversity, independence, and integration mechanism for online deliberation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.95-103
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• 2022

This study aims to understand a gamer participatory mechanism by comparing Gamer Participation 1.0(Bartz Liberation War) and Gamer Participation 2.0(Truck Demonstration). The process of gamers' political participation is analyzed by applying the communication-mediated O-S-O-R model with the case of gamers' truck protests caused by probability items' issue. This study found out that changes in the social, technological, and discursive layers that constitute the gamer's communication ecology led to diversification of communication channels and changes in the perception of games. Gamers utilized the technological layer of the media environment that presupposes immediate mutual communication, expressed opinions on issues in the mobilization process, and shared the necessity of participation to derive collective mobilization. Through communication, gamers were able to participate in socio-political issues with high participation thresholds. This study is significant in that it discussed the gamers' democratic citizenship and role as issue publics. The study suggests that the need for theoretical and methodological expansion to analyze various participatory cases.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.7
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• pp.154-167
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• 2016

This study is to analyze whether the use of SNS in politics has any political effects. Most previous studies on political participation by SNS tended to just focus on the participation difference between SNS users and non-users. The test results first show that the development of ICT increases citizens' interest in political information and differentiate the methods of their political participation. Second, we identified SNS users tend to have higher reliability in political information and greater transversion effects by the use of media. Finally, the study verifies SNS is a more effective tool in collective actions such as non-customary rallies and demonstration rather than in customary political participation.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.32
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• pp.95-122
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• 2012

The ocean in the 21st century is getting emphasized as a treasury of natural resources and a growth engine for the nation. And nations around the world have entered into the hyper-competition to take the initiative for those marine resources. Under the situation, the Korea Coast Guard is devoting itself with full force to protecting maritime sovereignty, ensuring maritime safety and security and preserving the marine environment. Purpose of this study is to analyze Maritime Policing Act of 2012 and their problems and to suggest improvement measures. Objectives of Maritime Policing Act of 2012 is national Defence, policing for maritime security, protection of marine natural resources and marine facility in territorial waters and exclusive economic zone(EEZ) of Korea. Limits of Maritime Policing Act of 2012 are as follows. First, As organization related rules in Maritime Policing Act of 2012 are not enough, Maritime police agency Act should be revised and enacted in order to cope with future administrative demands and legal ground. Second, Article 22 penal regulation is more severe than regulations of another Act. Third, Article 14 should be made improvement for pre-prevention through the pre-report and the establishment of prohibition boundary in maritime demonstration.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.157-208
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• 2004

This study explored how television news constructed an issue of the building of a nuclear waste facility on Wido, an issue which displayed a social conflict in the latter half of the year 2003. To do this, this study conducted frame analysis on KBS and MBC main news including national and local ones, broadcasted from 11 July, 2003 to 10 December, 2003. It was found that television news tended to stress violent protests against site designation and social disorder rather than the causes of a conflict and its solutions. Therefore, news reporting excluded fundamental reasons of conflict such as the governmental decision-making process of site designation, geological suitability, safety issue and nuclear energy policy, emphasizing the confrontation and clash between pro and con groups of site designation. This indicates that television news defines an issue of the building of a nuclear waste facility as the local conflict between groups, the police and demonstrators, or neighbors who approve and protest the site designation, not as the national issue of nuclear policy.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.12
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• pp.299-312
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• 2019

This study examined the effect of media and personal frames on readers' attitude towards newspaper articles and on their perceived fairness. Study 1 examined the frame effects with the issue of the Candlelit Protest in 2008 and Study 2 did with the issue of the Four Major Rivers Restoration Project. Results indicated that in both studies two frames had main effects on readers' attitude and yet their interaction was not significant. In both studies, effects of personal frame were partially significant on the perceived fairness of the article, but main effects of media frame and interaction effects between two frames were not significant. These findings demonstrated that readers' attitude towards newspaper articles and on their perceived fairness would be influenced by their headlines and their source along with their content.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.