• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.381-395
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• 2007

After the democratization process since 1988, the national scale voting behavior in congressional elections has changed from a rural-government party and urban-opposite party connection to a political regionalism oriented pattern. In this context, the case study with provincial border regions aims to investigate possible party identification change of the region, and to find a relationship between polling score ratio and socio-political characteristics of the candidates. As a result, Yeongdong shows a strong negation to the presumed Chungcheong local party and shows a continuous party identification with the Kyungsang local party. Muju reveals a more or less weakened identification with the Jeolla local party, on the contrary, Kimcheon shows a unchanged strong identification with the Kyungsang local party. The regional neighborhood effect was verified quite partly between the subdivision districts of the border regions. With a application of linear fitting method, it is certified that voters have attached great importance to the belonging party, native place, as well as political career of the candidates as a voting criterion.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

With questionnaires conducted for 613 adult Koreans in Seoul, the present study examined how their social features (income level, political party identification, political values, values of capitalism and egalitarianism) exercise influence on attitudes toward income polarization and their evaluation of government policies. Two groups of participants (high vs. low) for each social feature were formed first. Then their attitudes toward income polarization (liberal vs. conservative) and evaluations of policies (liberal vs. conservative) exercised by government (Participatory vs. Practical) were compared. Results indicated that liberal value was strengthened by liberal value, anti-capitalistic, and conservative value was strengthened by egalitarian values, and party identification. It was also found that party identification partial effect on the judgment of policies exercised by Participatory Government. These findings were discussed in terms of their implications for Korean society and measures for communication constructive for settlement of income polarization were suggested.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.113-146
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• 2006

This study explored how media and interpersonal communication affected voters in Busan mayoral by-election, focusing on the mutual relations among media use and attentive use of political campaign, interpersonal communication, and voting participation. Also, comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the decision of a candidate were examined. Additionally, it was analysed differential media effects on candidates' image. According to the results, the local media use and attentive use of political campaign had the influence on the increase of interpersonal communication about the election. Voters who had much interpersonal discussion with others participated more than voters who had less interpersonal discussion. Media use did not directly affect the participation of voting, but indirectly contributed to participation of voting through interpersonal discussion. The assumption of differential media effects on candidates image was partly proved. There were statistically significant differences in the factor of competence of candidates' image among three experimental groups (attentive use of TV discussion program, Internet web sites of two candidates, and printing materials of political advertisement). Furthermore, with three main vote variables, issues, candidates image, party identification, the results of comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the choice of a candidate suggested that a sense of oneness with a party was highly related to the choice of the candidates of the party, however, candidates' image was not related to the decision of a candidate. Political party had more impact on for whom to vote than candidates' image in this study.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.496-532
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• 2009

With the turn of the 21st century, corporate legitimacy is at risk. The society is demanding even greater responsibility to the corporations in return of exercising its enlarged influencing power. As the legitimacy is threatened, entrepreneurial activities have become even more important than ever in order to obtain trust from the public and to be accepted as an ethical enterprise. This study assumes corporate legitimacy as the necessary element in overcoming the crisis. With this respect, it further states what kind of effect the exercise of corporate reputation and social responsibility have on ensuring corporate legitimacy in crisis. To verify the purpose of this study, two research hypotheses and one research question were set. The major research results and the implications are as follows. First, the corporate reputation of Samsung Heavy Industries affects the corporate actional legitimacy in case of crisis. Second, recognition on corporate legitimacy varied in accordance with the public’s perception of the corporate social responsibility. Third, the interaction between corporate reputation and social responsibility plays a role in determining corporate legitimacy. This result denotes that it is necessary to exercise social responsibility and build up corporate reputation in order to obtain corporate legitimacy in crisis.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.10
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• pp.563-574
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to investigate effects of source credibility of political youtubers on attitude toward contents and politicians/political party and political decision making. The total number of 326 responses from online survey were analyzed. Results indicate that three factors of source credibility, similarity, charisma, and expertise positively affected attitude toward political contents on youtube in statistical significance. Five attributes of source credibility, familiarity, charisma, similarity, attractiveness, and trustworthiness positively affected attitude toward political youtube contents and politicians/political parties. Furthermore, attitude toward contents and politicians/political parties significantly increased voting intention to politicians/political parties.

• Journal of Korea Society of Industrial Information Systems
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.63-77
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• 2022

This paper investigates the effect of the lack of ESG management legitimacy on the firm's corporate giving. From the institutional theory perspective, ESG management has become a globally institutionalized business standard. A firm can survive and prosper when it conforms to the institutionalized norms. Thus, we argue that firms will increase corporate giving to restore social legitimacy when they experience a lack of social legitimacy regarding ESG management. Our study also focuses on the role of family executives. As family members identify themselves with their firm and intend to hand over the business to next generation, they highly value the social legitimacy of their firm. Therefore, the relationship between the lack of ESG management legitimacy and the firm's corporate giving will be further strengthened as the number of family executives increases. Empirical results provide supports for the two hypotheses.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.39-66
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the structures and issues of 2018 Korean local elections based on the author's observations on the electoral processes. Even if this paper does not follow a traditional statistical method, it provides the interpretative meanings of 2018 local elections by utilizing an expert's observations of campaign processes. This result of 2018 election can be summarized into two analytical frames. In terms of electoral competition structure, three key factors, such as presidential approval rating, party competition structure, ideological spectrum, tend to affect the winning of governing party. In the light of election issue, the inter-Korean summit, the Washington-Pyeongyang summit, Incheon deprecating remark were positive to the vote gains of governing party, but the negative campaign, the drucking scandal and the swing voters were found not to be significant. The local election in Korea tends to show dual meanings, a proxy war of national-level politics and a composition process of local government. This paper found that the 2018 election has dual meanings at the same time, in a sense that it is the punishment of the ex-governing party's wrongdoing and the power change of local government.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2001.06a
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• pp.31-44
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• 2001

과학과 기술의 영향이 일반시민들의 일상생활에 미치는 영향이 날로 증가하면서, 일반 시민들의 과학에 대한 인식과 이해에 대한 관심이 크게 고조되고있다. 과학자들과 과학정책 입안자들은 주로 반과학적인 후기근대주의문화가 시민사회 전반으로 확대되어 과학기술에 대한 사회적 믿음과 지지가 약화되고있다는 우려 때문에 일반시민들의 과학에 대한 신뢰도와 지지도에 관심을 기울여왔고 (Evans and Durant, 1995; Gregory and Miller, 1998; Gross and Levitt, 1994; Holton, 1993; Theocharis and Psimopoulos, 1987), 반면 사회학자들과 시민단체들은 주로 과학기술의 전개방향에 영향을 미치는 과학기술정책 결정과정에 대한 시민참여의 일환으로 과학 (특히 사회적으로 논란이 되는 과학적 연구와 그것의 기술적 적용)에 대한 일반시민들의 태도에 관심을 기울여왔다 (이영희, 2000; Freudenburg and Pastor, 1992;Miller, 1983; Wynne, 1991, 1992; Zimman, 1991).1) (중략)