• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.16-31
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• 2013

This study addresses how the main group of community ritual changed as the regional community changed during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea with emphasis on Gwanseongmyo in Jangchung-dong, Seoul. First, almost every regional community was changed because of city planning which was carried out by Japan in Korea for colonial exploitation and for the use of military bases. Mapo-dong and Seobinggo-dong were the appropriate examples. The city planning projects by the Japanese colonial government selected Jangchung-dong as the place of settlement of many Japanese people. The stream, Cheonggyecheon, made a border between the Korean and Japanese settlements and the traditional system of regional community in Jangchung-dong was changed and reorganized considerably. Second, the Japanese government used the rituals of regional community purposefully to combine them with the ceremony in the Japanese shrine. Those who supported Japan performed the regional rituals and tried to follow the policy of 'Rule of Culture' required by the Japanese colonial government. However, most regional rituals continued as they were before Japan's colonial rule of Korea without any change. Under this new trend the ritual of Gwanseongmyo was changed from the ritual for worshipping Guan Yu to that of the regional community. Last, the main groups that led the rituals of regional community were diversified during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea. In other words, the rituals of community used to be led by the families that lived in the region for generations before Japan's colonial rule of Korea. However, they were later led by various groups that emerged as a result of the colonial rule, urbanization, commercial development, regional differentiation, and so on. As an example,Yeongsinsa of Gwanseongmyo,which was the main group to lead the ritual of Gwanseongmyo, shows that the regional community rituals were extended to worshipping Guan Yu. The members of the main group to lead the ritual were pro-Japanese senior officials who were formerly military officers. This shows that the main groups leading the regional community rituals were further diversified.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.132-151
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• 2009

Gut (Shaman ritual) in the west coast area is consisted to sanyang-geori (hunting), tasal-geori, gunwoong-geori those describe from hunting process to preparing animal sacrifices to a deity. The characteristic of gut in the west coast area which are represented for mock hunting and animal sacrifice ritual is practicing at the sibamasturi in Japan. This paper aims to compare a shaman ritual in west coast area in Korea and Japanese Sibamasturi from the comparative folklore point of view. Gut in the west coast area is well known for dividing sacrificial offering: vegetable for sinryeong and meat for singyeong. This division of spiritual deity shows it has different background from agriculture and hunting culture. Hwanghae-do gut has been formed under the various life environments. Therefore, each stage is conducted according to the purpose of the ritual. Sanyang-geori (hunting) represents the scene of hunting in the mountain and by catching live animals and it refers to Gunwoonsin, and will be offered. Animal sacrifice is a positive ritual which get rid of bad luck and pleased deity. Sibamasturi is practiced in mountain area where most of people involve in hunting and agriculture. Therefore, this area has both agricultural ritual and hunting ritual. Sibamasturi is practiced in January (lunar) and it also has meaning of beginning of agriculture and hunting in mountain area. Ground burnt off for cultivation way symbolizesfire ritual and mock hunting as well as animal sacrifice together. These rituals match to farmers of mountain area in the south-east Asia. The gut in the west coast area and Japanese Sibamasturi have common point that mock hunting and animal sacrifice are practiced at both rituals, however, the structure for these two ritual are different. In other word, there animal sacrifice has been formed with different cultural back ground.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.66
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• pp.5-35
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• 2005

본 고는 매우 복잡 다양하게 출토되고 있는 선사시대 토기 중 굽다리토기에 대한 연구이다. 특수한 기형의 이 토기는 분류조차 제대로 이루어지지 않은 채 의례용으로 인식되어져 왔으며, 그 명칭 또한 무분별하게 사용되어져 왔다. 따라서 충분히 객관적이고도 적절한 정립이 필요한 상황이다. 이 토기는 저부와 신부의 상대크기에 따라 대부형(Ⅰ형)과 대각형(Ⅱ)으로의 세부기종 설정이 가능하고 세부기종별 속성분석을 통하여 6형식의 형식분류가 이루어졌다. 무문토기시대 전기 주거지유적에서 공렬 및 각형토기와 공반하는 1·2·3·4형식의 토기(북한→강원영동→경기중부·충청서해안지역)는 점토대토기문화가 도래하면서 생활, 분묘, 생산, 폐기 그리고 의례관련유구에서 출토되는 5·6형식 토기(경기중부·충청서해안→호남·영남지역)로의 변화를 보이면서 전개된다. 즉 점토대토기문화가 도래하는 시점에서 굽다리토기의 형식도 변화·확대되고 있다. 또한 출토맥락, 형식조합, 제작기술 등의 관점에서 공렬 및 각형토기와 공반하는 1·2·3·4형식은 일상 생활용기로의 상정이 가능한 반면 점토대토기와 조합을 이루는 5·6형식 토기는 의례관련유구와 분묘유구에서 다량 출토되고 있어 기원이나 소원과 관련된 의례용기, 그리고 부장용으로의 기능분화가 관찰된다. 〔주제어〕: 굽다리토기, 공렬토기, 각형토기, 점토대토기문화, 기술유형, 시공적 전개, 기능분화

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.167-184
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to investigate actual conditions of family/kin ritual transition and to find out relationships to socio-economic variables. For this purpose, 716 subjects of urban family were interviewed with questionnaires. The results of this study may be summarized as follows: 1. It was discovered the pervasive themes of family/kin ritual transition: westernization, commercialization, socialization, and cultural anomie. 2. In contemporary family/kin rites, traditional structure coexists with external westernized aspects under the influnce of industrialization and commercialization. The rites were continued to provide a place where participants reproduce the ideology of patriarchal family group, especially the strong parent-child ties and narrow kin relationships. 3. Respondents who support traditional ritual style are old, lower class, and Buddhist. 4. Respondents who support westernization and socialization of family/kin rites are young, higher class, and Christian. But family/kin rites are not affected by sex relatively.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.63-92
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• 2011

This paper intends to clarify the characteristics of Seoul Ginoguigut in ritual form. This paper points out three characteristics; materialization of the journey to the world of the dead, direct communications with the dead, inclusive blessings for the dead and the living. Firstly, the journey to the world of the dead is materialized through various ritual processes of Seoul Ginoguigut. This characteristic is prominent in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of shamanism in other regions of Korea. Secondly, in Seoul Ginoguigut the communications of the dead and the living are made through direct dialogues between them through shaman's possession. The communications by direct dialogues between the dead and the living make it easy to accept death as a real fact, and have an effect of recognizing the individuality and uniqueness of each death. Thirdly, the blessings of Seoul Ginoguigut are so inclusive that they cover the dead's safe journey toward the world of the dead as well as the happiness of the living. This characteristic is related to the understanding of death of Korean shamanism that does not separate death and living. These three characteristics are perceived in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of Seoul Ginoguigut. And they give a clue to understand how the death rituals of Korean shamanism have persisted in Korean society.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.329-354
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• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.135-155
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• 2001

The purpose of this study was to investigate the general tendency of family/kin ritual transition and to find out related variables. For this purpose, 593 subjects of rural family were interviewed with questionnaires. The major results of the study were summarized as follows: 1. It was discovered that the characteristics of the ritual transition among the rural families is same as the urban families, i.e. westernization, commercialization, and socialization. But the speed of rural area was relatively slow. 2. In contemporary family/kin rites, traditional structure coexisted with external westernized aspects by the group who were elderly, lowly educated, lowly earned and Buddhist. 3. The family/kin rites were more significantly different depending on the age than gender, and the religion was the significant variable to the family/kin rites. So the family/kin ritual management education programs were needed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.107-129
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• 2016

This article is about the tradition and history of Baekjesooryukjae(Sooryukjae, one of the Buddhist ritual is called Baekjesooryukjae in Buyeo), which is conducted in Baekje Cultural Festival, the annual festival that is held in Buyeo. Buyeo was a place where various ritual books on Sooryukjae were published, and where Bumpae(Buddhist chants) were taught centering on Mooryang Temple. Based on this tradition, to comfort the lonely spirit of Baekje and pacify the three thousand court ladies, Sooryukjae started to be held 60 years ago. Baekjesooryukjae, unlike Sooryukjae of other regions, have the feature that it is held on the river. In Buyeo, where ritual books were published many times and where there was its own Buyeo education, Sooryukjae is assumed to have been handed down for a long time. Thanks to such historical tradition, Sooryukjae was held as a ritual of pacification in Baekje Cultural Festival. Baekjesooryukjae has unique characteristics. Baekjesooryukjae, which started with the proposal of the residents, shows off its status as the one and only water Sooryukjae that is currently existent, and it shows there are significant meanings depending on the changing venues of 재차 as well as the composition of 재차. It is a Sooryukjae with 60 year-long tradition and locality, history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.216-233
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• 2020

This study set out to review tomb culture in the Gyeongju region during the Bronze Age, and also examine the patterns of dolmens during their end phase. For these purposes, the study analyzed 18 tomb relics from the Bronze Age and nine from the early Iron Age. Gyeongju belongs to the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Approximately 120 tombs from the Bronze Age have been excavated in the Gyeongju region. There are fewer tombs than dwellings in the region, which is a general characteristic of the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Although the number of tombs is small, the detailed structure of the dead body is varied. During the Bronze Age, tombs in the Gyeongju region were characterized by more prolific construction of pit tombs, dolmens with boundaries, and stacked stone altars than were the cases in other areas. There is a great possibility that the pit tombs in the Gyeongju region were influenced by their counterparts in the northeastern parts of North Korea, given the spindle whorl artifacts buried at the Dongsan-ri sites. Dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars are usually distributed in the Songguk-ri cultural zone, and it is peculiar that instances of these are found in large numbers in the Gyeongju region as part of the Geomdanri cultural zone. Even in the early Iron Age, the building of dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars continued in the Gyeongju region under the influence of the Bronze Age. A new group of people moved into the area, and they crafted ring-rimmed pottery and built wooden coffin tombs. In the early Iron Age, new rituals performed in high places also appeared, and were likely to provide venues for memorial services for heavenly gods in town-center areas. The Hwacheon-ri Mt. 251-1 relic and the Jukdong-ri relic are ruins that exhibit the aspect of rituals performed in high places well. In these rituals performed in high places, a stacked stone altar was built with the same form as the dolmens with boundaries, and a similar rock to the cover stone of a dolmen was used. People continued to build and use dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars while sustaining the Bronze Age traditions, even into the early Iron Age, because the authority of dolmens was maintained. Some dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars, known as being Bronze Age in origin, would have continued to be used in ritual practices until the early Iron Age. Entering the latter half of the second century B.C., wooden coffin tombs began to propagate. This was the time when the southern provinces, including the Gyeongju region, were included in the East Asian network, with the spread of ironware culture and the arrival of artifacts from central China. Around this time, dolmen culture faded into history with a new era beginning in its place.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.455-465
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• 2008

The data for this study were collected in a survey conducted in Ganghwa. The questionnaire was specifically designed to identify ceremonial and prohibitive foods in Ganghwa. Quantitative and qualitative data were reported as frequencies, and $X^2$ analysis was employed to assess the relationships among religious. Ceremonial foods were important on the 15th of January by the lunar calendar(87.5%), the Korean Thanks giving Day(84.4%), New Year's Day(79.8%), and the winter solstice(77.4%). A table in celebration of a baby's first birthday included baekseolgi, rice cake with Indian millet and red bean, songpyeon, injeolmi, fruits, and japchae. Women who had delivered a child ate boiled rice and seaweed soup. Birthday parties was hosted in 67.0% of the homes. The reasons for not having a birthday party were the inability to make enough time(38.2%) and difficulties with work(19.4%). Pyebaek foods were jerked beef, chicken, jujube and chestnuts. A 60th birthday anniversary was the reason for 31.4% of the respondents to eat ceremonial foods, and a Memorial Day service that carried in the eldest son was the reason in 53.4% of the families. The Memorial-Day service foods were learned by a Catholic mother(66.7%), by the husband's Buddhist mother(37.9%), or by Confucianism(54.5%)(p<0.05). Therefore, it is important to increase the understanding of celebrational foods and to enforce systematic public relations.