• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.61-84
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• 2023

In this paper, I tried to clarify the background of the strengthening of centralization in the central-local relations during the Xi Jinping period in terms of the institutional structure of elite politics through a comparative study of the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, the highest power body, during the time of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Compared to the Hu Jintao period, it is judged that the strengthening of centralization in the Xi Jinping era is being implemented not through the neutralization of institutionalized formal construction norms, but through the expansion of control within the norms. In other words, the institutionalized frame itself was not broken in the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, and local compliance with the central government centered on the general secretary was increased by exercising the right to control personnel more strongly.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.27-69
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• 2009

This paper studies the logic of fiscal constraints and fiscal autonomy in a political agency model with both moral hazard and adverse selection. The electoral process not only disciplines incumbents who may act against the public interest but also opts in politicians who are most likely to act along voters' interests. We characterize perfect Bayesian equilibria under shared tax system and fiscal autonomy with fiscal constraints for local public good provision. It is shown that the local voters' expected welfare under fiscal autonomy is higher than under shared tax system if the same fiscal constraints are applied. In order to examine the effects of party's candidate selection processes on the behavior of local politician and national politician, we extend the model to an environment where local politician can compete for the candidacy of national assembly with incumbent national politician. If local politician wins majority of votes against incumbent national politician, then he can move on to serve as a national politician. Otherwise, his political career will end as a local politician. It is the gist of this primary system portrayed by this setup that local politician and national politician compete to garner more votes. Therefore, primary system as a candidate selection mechanism enhances local residents' welfare compared to top-down candidate selection processes.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• Social Workers
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• no.2 s.46
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• pp.18-20
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• 2006

5월 31일 전국 동시지방선거를 앞두고 월간 Social Worker에서는 지난 11월부터 사회복지정치세력의 필요성과 가능성을 제안하고 사회복지사 출신 정치지도자들을 소개한 바 있다. 이어 이번 호부터는 사회복지정치지도자들의 이야기를 통해 사회복지사들의 정치세력화를 위한 우리의 과제에 대해 들어보았다. 그 첫호로 지난 1월 24일 고경화 국회의원, 김태선 지방의원을 차례로 만나보았다. 사회복지사로서, 어느 누구보다도 사회복지사와 사회복지계에 열정을 가지고 있는 두 의원의 이야기를 통해 사회복지정치세력화에 힘을 싣고자 한다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2008

As local government is of great importance for the sake of advancement of the political system based on national participation in politics and recognition for autonomy, it is proper to appreciate the need and come up with strategies so that the local government can be successfully established and developed. Therefore, a survey was conducted among residents, civil officials, and local councils, who are the main bodies of local government. As a Jesuit, it turned out that there were problems in terms of specialty and integrity, that there are potential risks of local or group egoism, and that political indifference is getting intensified among some residents, and even they tend to avoid participation. This result indicates that there are needs for the establishment of the recognition and efforts for consistent reconsideration among participants.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).

• Social Workers
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• no.5 s.49
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• pp.4-11
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• 2006

사회복지계의 정치 참여를 위한 각종 후보자 토론회를 통해 사회복지사 및 사회복지종사자들의 정치참여와 각 후보자들의 사회복지 공약에 대한 점검을 할 수 있으며, 사회복지사들의 정치참여에 힘을 실어주는 계기를 마련할 수 있다.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.56
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• pp.247-261
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• 2000

In regard to the political status of Cheju during Kory$\u{o}$ Dynasty, it has been broadly discussed and accepted that Cheju had remained independent or semi-independent as a feudal nation until the 10th year(l105) of the reign of Sukjong(肅宗) o

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.79-106
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• 2019

Local governments within the boundaries of a state need increasing flexibility to satisfy diverse economic, social, and environmental goals in their particular geographical setting. However, many candidates in the local election in South Korea tend to see local politics as an extension of national-level politics. In particular, this paper mainly deals with how the voters' evaluation of a president's performance has influenced subnational elections in South Korea. Our analysis suggests that the fate of candidates in subnational elections is shaped by the performance of the incumbent president in both economic development and foreign affairs.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.224-248
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• 2010

This study is to analyze the Korean translation of "Goseong Chongswaerok" by O Hoeng-muk as a local governor through political ecology. It focuses on how O Hoeng-muk recognized and wrote the interrelation among weather, agriculture, local resident's life, and local policy. The results are summarized in the followings. Firstly, weather was recorded into three types of expression, simple and dynamic expression and agriculture-related expression. Its dynamics was much meaningful and important when weather was related to local resident's life and local or non-local economy and politics. Secondly, weather and local government were conflict under a particular natural condition like severe drought. And society and politics are affected by such a conflict. Thirdly, local people's demonstration was occurred under a certain condition. Bounded agency can be founded in O Hoeng-muk's behavior as a local governor like jinhyul(賑恤), rain rituals, tax collection. Fourthly, the interrelation among weather, agriculture, local people's life, and local policy implemented in a particular local like Goseong ought to be interpreted in terms of multiple scales.