• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.14 no.2
• /
• pp.1-18
• /
• 2016

This study analyzed the reports of Korean and Chinese newspapers on the foundation of AIIB from the viewpoint of public diplomacy. The results showed that Chinese newspapers reported the government's statements and opinions and played as a means of conforming to the purposes of public diplomacy. Chinese newspapers employed the media paradigm of Instrumentalism among three paradigms of public diplomacy, which was due to ownership structure of the press. In the case of Korean Newspapers, they adopted paradigms of culturalism and professionalism. However, they verged to culturalism in terms of lack of discourse struggle due to few in-depth reports of the effects of national economy of AIIB.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.21 no.6
• /
• pp.218-227
• /
• 2021

The purpose was to examine what kind of discourse about foreigners in the media in a situation where hatred toward foreigners prevailed in a pandemic situation. News data related to Chinese international students(CIS) was collected for 2020, The 11 optimal topics were selected derived through LDA analysis. They were analyzed in an exploratory level, focusing on the relationship with major events per year. The news about CIS in 2020 was intensively linked to reports on the COVID19 situation. There was a tendency to report in response to the presupposes CIS as potential confirmed patients.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
• /
• v.28 no.2
• /
• pp.53-75
• /
• 2018

This study explores and compares how rural teachers and Chinese newspapers representing the dominant ideology of the state and the local government construct left behind children's problems and solutions. I draw on teacher interviews in two rural schools and the reports of three major Chinese newspapers (2011 to 2015). Teacher and media narratives largely agreed that parental absence and negative mental health consequences were the biggest source of the problem, placing the blame largely on families. However, the narratives diverged when discussing solutions as teachers largely sought institutional structural solutions while the media emphasized the individual role that volunteers could play. School-based activities and teachers' contributions extensively discussed in teacher interviews were muted from newspaper reports that emphasized contributions from government officials and local representatives.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.57
• /
• pp.202-226
• /
• 2012

The purpose of this study is to analyze how Chinese people perceive the acceptance and spread of Korean popular culture through the analysis of the Korean Wave news frame in Chinese daily newspapers. The result of analysis showed that there was a significant difference in the number of an article appearance in all three daily newspapers by year according to a specific issue including the popularity of Korean Wave-related events, Korean dramas, movies and Korean stars. This reporting trend also appeared in the article format, and all three daily newspapers mainly used an episodic frame to deliver fragmentary Korean Wave trend or personal information emotionally rather than a thematic frame to analyze and interpret the Korean Wave trend in depth. As a result of analyzing dominant news frames using the inductive approach to examine specific contents of the articles, news frames that composed the Korean Wave into the cultural interest frame as 'Interest and attention toward Korean popular culture' and gave positive evaluations were dominant, followed by the economic news frames that explained the Korean Wave from the economic perspective and the political news frames that considered the Korean Wave from the viewpoint of the Chinese Government. These news frames appeared somewhat different according to the publishing purpose of daily newspapers. ${\ll}$People's Daily${\gg}$ which is the official organ of the Chinese Communist Party often covered the political frames to report the policies of Chinese government, ${\ll}$People's Daily (Overseas edition)${\gg}$ often covered economic frames from the overseas perspective and the Jinghua Daily which is a commercial newspaper by nature often handled cultural interest frames to consider Korean Wave as new cultural phenomenon.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.237-269
• /
• 2007

This study examined how newspapers covered the 60th anniversary of the historical event, 8 15 Independence Day. Specifically, five newspapers from three countries were content-analyzed to see differences, if any, based on country level and political ideology of the newspaper. The findings showed that Japanese newspapers yielded less amount of coverage than those of Korea and China. The newspapers of Korea and China used straight news format, while Japanese newspapers used opinion news format. In terms of information source, Korean newspapers and Chinese newspapers mainly relied on the information from the government, while Japanese newspapers took the information from citizen. The difference also revealed that Korean newspapers focused on domestic situation frame and the other countries more emphasized past memory of the War times. Consequently, the three countries showed clearly different perspectives on the same historical event. These distinctions were caused from national interest rather than political ideology of the newspaper.

• 월간 한농연
• /
• s.62
• /
• pp.16-19
• /
• 2007

8월 14일, 조선일보는 중국산 식재료를 쓰는 국내 음식업계의 실태에 대한 특집기사를 게재하였다. 더욱이 '갈비탕 통조림 파동', 미국산 광우병 쇠고기 검역 재개 방침이 발표된 직후, 350만 농민과 소비자들을 다시 한 번 충격에 빠졌다. '월간 한농연'은 최근 언론에 보도된 관련 보도물의 내용을 요약.정리하고, 국회에 계류중인 음식점 식육원산지표시제 확대를 골자로 한 '식품위생법' 개정을 앞당기고자 특집 기사를 싣는다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.18
• /
• pp.165-198
• /
• 2002

By comparing and analyzing the September 11 terror attack news reports on the daily papers in the U.S., Korea, and China, this research found that national ideology and international relationship concerned have affected news report frames about international dispute matters. Both quantitative and qualitative researches identify differences in news framing. For example, after the September 11 terror attack, the most pages of the USs The New York Times and Korean Chosunilbo were covered with related articles(382 and 192 reports, respectively), whereas Chinese Inminilbo cur down to only 32 reports about the issue. Also in content, both The New York Times and Chosunilbo viewed the September 11 terror attack as evil acts which threatened world peace and justified military action against Afghanistan as inevitable revenge and justice for such evil acts, in the point of the USs official view. However, Inminilbo gave out news only based on facts in a neutral viewpoint. Moreover, regarding American military intervention, the Chinese newspapers held very different news frame from the other two by describing considerable sacrifice and pain of innocent people of Afghanistan seriously. For the story composition, daily newspapers in all three countries took the same way to report focusing on specific events with episodes.

• Korean Architects
• /
• no.3 s.395
• /
• pp.84-88
• /
• 2002

예상은 하고 있었던 일이지만 준비 없이 갑작스럽게 다가온 1993년 중국과의 국교정상회는 우리에게 무의미한 대가를 적지 않게 지불하게 하였다. 그리고 이후 이미 8년이란 세월이 흘러갔어도 잘못 끼운 첫 단추의 부담은 여전히 해결하지 못한, 아니 어쩌면 영원히 해결할 수 없을 것만 같은 숙제로서 남겨져 있다. 특히 손상된 민족의 자존심은 경제적인 실리를 떠나서 제2의 조공시대를 방불케하는 신사대주의의 한중관계를 만들어 버리고 말았다. 최근 들어 IMF 이후 주춤했던 중국을 향한 건축계의 막연한 기대가 2008년 북경의 올림픽 유치확정을 계기로 서서히 달아오르는 느낌을 받는다. 게다가 일부 언론매체의 보도는 벌써부터 앞으로 발주될 100억 달러 이상의 건설시장경기를 들먹이며 우리의 떡이 어느 정도인지를 저울질하는 웃지못할 모습을 보이고 있다. 물론 의욕과 열정을 무조건 탓하는 것도 잘못이지만 일에는 순서가 있는 법이다. 지나친 무리수는 결과적으로 과욕과 과열이라는 쓰라린 경험을 남기기 십상이다.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.31
• /
• pp.120-141
• /
• 2013

Korea, China, and Japan forms triangle structure which mixed complicatedly on the history and maritime territorial disputes. Nationalism lies on the basis of triangle structure, and it is a main factor which increase tension and conflicts among three countries. Considering dynamics of changing nationalism circumstance, Ieodo issue needs to prepare active countermeasures which considers cope with nationalism confrontations. The aim of this article is suggests preparations of active countermeasures cope with nationalism provocative actions. First, I will specify nationalism as a factor of territorial dispute, and review characters of Ieodo issue. Second, I will analyse China's nationalism to Ieodo through analysis of China's media contents and coverage trend of Ieodo issue (2006~2008). I will suggest necessity of active defense measures coup with China's nationalism, basis of these analysis. As a result, China's nationalism might be a criterion which measures of China's desire for Ieodo. Stimulating Ieodo coverage of China's state media can be a criterion which predicts China governments's for Jurisdiction of Ieodo. We need active measures coup with China's nationalism Which evolves into a much more bold and assertive.

• 한국지구과학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2005.09a
• /
• pp.32-39
• /
• 2005

최근 들어 북한 서해안 일대의 원유매장 가능성에 대한 보도가 국내외 언론에 자주 오르내리고 있다. 실제 북한의 서한만 분지는 일일 생산량 450 배럴의 원유가 생산되고 있어 석유부존 가능성이 확인되었고, 중국에서 큰 유전중 하나인 발해만 유전지대와 지리적으로 근접해 있어 대규모 매장 가능성도 있다. 지금까지 밝혀진 북한 서한만의 지질은 중국의 발해만과 유사하다. 후기 원생대와 초기 고생대에 생성된 기반암 위에는 최대 6 ${\sim}$ 10 km 두께의 탄산염암 및 중생대 퇴적암과 4 ${\sim}$ 5 km 두께의 퇴적암이 집적되어 있다. 근원암은 3 km 이상 되는 쥐라기 흑색 셰일과 1 ${\sim}$ 2 km 두께의 백악기 흑색 셰일 그리고 수 km 두께의 중생대 이전의 탄산염암으로 구성되어 있다. 저류층은 높은 공극률을 가진 중생대부터 신생대에 퇴적된 사암과 중생대전에 균열된 탄산염암이다. 원유 트랩은 배사구조, 단층구조, 파묻혀 있는 언덕 그리고 층서형 트랩 형태다. 따라서 서한만에서의 퇴적층들은 다양한 형태의 근원암을 가지며 또한 공극률과 투수율이 높고, 많은 단층에 의한 이동경로를 가지게 되므로, 사암으로 이루어진 석유 저장지만 발견하면 석유를 생산할 수 있을 것으로 추정된다.