• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.37-59
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• 2010

This thesis is for clarifying a few aspects of 'Kyung(敬)' ideology and figures appearing in Yeheon(旅軒)'s poem. This ideology and figures is a kind of a imaginative thing that a poet designed. This feature is a very important subject of Yeheon(旅軒)'s poem world, so that we are going to make it clear. First, we focused his aspirations of virtual uncontaminated areas and found out his big store of life wisdom and knowledge. The second is we thought about a displaying a emphasis of proud spirit[氣像] in his own poem world, and we found that he saw things from an unworldly point of view. Finally we talked about several features of Yeheon(旅軒)'s poem world. Now we have to compare Yeheon(旅軒)'s poem and any other Dohakpa(道學派) poets for example Toegye(退溪), Hwejae(晦齋) etc. And we must clarify the whole poem world of Dohakpa(道學派). In the end, I'm so sure that we will get a prospect of their literature.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.329-358
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• 2009

A general idea and the structure of Wangshouren's philosophy is intimately associated with "Daxue". Systemicity of Wangshouren's Xinxue stand on the basis of a mind, intention, innate knowledge and things. "Daxuewen" is a series of a process of gongfu. It stand on the basis of a mind, intention, innate knowledge and things, same as Four-Sentence Teaching. Wangshouren's gongfu theory of "Daxue" changes from gewu to chengyi, from chengyi to zhizhi again. It is deepening of Wangshouren's philosophy and is the change of education. It is also that Wangshouren's gongfu theory internalize anything. He spent his younger life in pursuit of Zhuxi's gewu. Through a lecture of LongChang, Wangshouren's gongfu theory of "Daxue" changes from extroversion to introversion. According to Wangshouren' opinion, "Daxuewen" is the tenet of the XinXue, same as Four-Sentence Teaching. This papers mainly emphases two points: one, to analyze the thinking system of Wangshouren's "Daxuewen", make a comparative study of befour "Daxuewen" and after "Daxuewen". another, through this work we can understand thoroughly Wangshouren's viewpoint of "Daxue".

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.365-392
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• 2017

In the present life of us, the challenges, we face essentially, relate to human quality and personality. It is a fact that can be easily understood through a situation of present education and the law. The research in the eastern philosophy of the 'personality' has been handled in regard to Yangmingxue, but a practical principle of education can be also found in an aspect of Zhuzixue indeed. That is Zhu'zi's study of 'gaining knowledge by the study of things' which was criticized by Yangming. This paper is to examine that with 'gaining knowledge by the study of things', which is known as study of 'zhi', we can find the practical principle which is applied to the education of personality. This research is to examine the relationship between 'Zundexing(尊德性)' and 'Daowenxue(道問學)' which are characters of cultivating study of Zhuzixue and the characteristics of the study of Zhu'zi by examining 'gaining knowledge by the study of things', the main method of 'Daowenzue'. This study, then, to show the meaning of study of 'gaining knowledge by the study of things' exploring prncan appropriate education of personality in this time drawing practical principle which can be applied to education of personality through the process and principle of 'taking the objective principles(格物)' and 'achieving morl self-Congnition(致知)'. Then, through the process and principles of 'taking the objective principles' and 'achieving morl self-Congnition ', this paper explore factors of the education of personality and the principles that can be applied in the education field, so as to reveal the significance of studying 'gaining knowledge by the study of things' in terms of the education of personality for this age.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.327-361
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• 2009

So far there has been a strong tendency to study The Great Learning in terms of quite" limited ethical and moral understandings." Yet The Great Learning was originally a political text to educate the ruler. So the ethical and moral understanding discussed in the book should be interpreted as something more comprehensive and practical, which includes the political ability. This paper thus focuses on this new line of understanding of The Great Learning. Among the three principles of the book, 'Myeongmyeongdeok( 明明德)' means the virtue of a politician, that is to 'cultivate (Myeong)' the 'properties for a statesman (Myeongdeok).' 'Sinmin (新民)' means 'to innovate or reform the people as a result of substantive administration of a politician'. 'Jieojiseon (止於至善)' means 'to reach and to maintain the highest degree of goodness as a result of Myeongmyeongdeok and Sinmin'. These three principles would divide into eight practicums. Myeongmyeongdeok would divide into five steps of 'Sugi(修己: Cultivating the self)' practicum, which are 'Gyeokmul (格物) → Chiji(致知) → Seongeui(誠意)→ Jeongsim (正心)→ Susin (修身)'. Sinmin would divide into three steps of 'Chiin (治人: rule the people)' practicum which are 'Jega(齊家) → Chiguk(治國) → Pyeongcheonha(平天下).' And the point where the two practicums are harmonized, i.e. that of Sugichiin (修己治人), is the place of Jieojiseon. Not every ethical people become a politician but every politician must be ethical. That is the assertion of the Great Learning.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.97-137
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the thesis classification of the "Korean Philosophy Journal" and the subject and characteristics of two representative scholars of the Research Society in commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the establishment of the 'Korean Philosophy History Research Society'. The "Korean Philosophy Journal" was published from the 1st edition in 1991 to the 55th edition until November, 2017, and introduced a total of 582 papers. In the meantime, the 'Korean Philosophy History Research Society' became a registered place after being nominated by the Korea Research Foundation. Among the 582 chapters, 297 papers deal directly with Korean philosophy, and 174 papers on Chinese philosophy. Among the Korean philosophical theses, the most popular one was the 198th issue, and the Chinese philosophical thesis was the most popular with the subject of theology. Among the Korean philosophers, Chung Yak - Yong and Chinese philosophers Chu Shi were the most studied. Among the writers who participated in the "Korean Philosophy Journal", 203 were all of them. Among them, Lee Sang Ik published the most articles with 28, and Choi Young Sung was the second with 23. Based on Lee Sang Ik 's thesis 28, Lee Sang Ik is a well - known neo - Confucianism scholar. His research is based on the theory of neo - Confucianism and the theory of secularism. On the one hand, he establishes his own moral theories and criticizes other moral theories. On the other hand he establishes his own governing theory and criticizes other governing theories. And theoretical proposals on various problems in modern society Based on Choi Young Sung 's thesis, 23, Choi Young Sung is the best researcher in the field of studying in Korea. His research focuses on correcting mistaken perceptions and descriptions in the history of study abroad in Korea, and developing the undeveloped parts. In addition, I am looking for a new perspective on the history of studying in Korea. In addition, he has been studying the philosophical thought of Choi Chih Won in order to establish a philosophical foundation for approaching the history of thought rather than just the study of the history of thought. The "Korean Philosophy Journal" has been advanced in quantity and quality, and has developed quantitatively and qualitatively. Revitalization of the SungKyunKwan university Korean Philosophy Department is indispensable for the continuous development of "Korean Philosophy Journal" and 'Korean Philosophy History Study Society' and to create excellent scholars.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.267-293
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• 2014

This paper is aimed at analyzing the characteristics of Image-Meaning theory focused on image in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty and SongMing period. Zhouyi' theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty was constructed on the basis of Zhouyi' theory of SongMing period. The characteristics of Image-Meaning theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty can be explained largely by two routes. One is the perspective of critical succession on Zhouyi'theory of focusing on meaning that led Chengyi(程?) and Yangwanli(楊萬裏). As the representative of this route, Gwongeun and Toegye not only asserted Image-meaning theory focused on meaning, but also developed a perspective of taking all the image and meaning. The other is the active succession and creative transformation about Image-Meaning theory of Tushuxue that led Chentuan(陳?) and Shaoyong(邵雍). As the representative of that route, Yulgok and Yeohun explained the schematic diagram of the universe of the universe by using methodology of Tushuxue. Furthermore, they actively succeed Shaoyong' Zhouyi theory to expand Image-Meaning theory focused on number. In addition, Cho, Haoyi(曺好益)described the propositions - "meaning is not out of image area, image equipped with meaning all, then there is no law of limitation in image adopted theory. Those propositions are opposed to Chengyi(程?) and Zhuxi(朱熹)' ZhouYi' theory.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.249-278
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• 2009

Zhu-zi(朱子) represented the study of The Book of Odes in Song dynasty and Dai-zhen(戴震) was The Book of Odes researcher representing Wan-pai(a kind of party) in Qing dynasty. Especially Dai-zhen took critical position of Zhu-xi. Comparing Zhu-zi with Dai-zhen in the aspect of The Book of Odes interpretation, this thesis intends to review the difference and the reason of both interpretations. Especially this thesis compares Zhu-zi's interpretation with Dai-zhen's about thirty poems Zhu-zi considered filthy poetry, investigating the differences of their interpretation. Regarding the poetry Zhu-zi considered filthy as refined satire, Dai-zhen had a negative position about Zhu-zi's theory of filthy poetry. As Zhu-zi interpreted the poetry in the first person on the literary view in the time when he interpreted the lyrics in the Feng-shi, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as feeling of words. But as Dai-zhen interpreted the poetry in the third person under a Confucian classic view, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as refined satire. In brief, that is to say that Zhu-zi made literary interpretations of feeling of words but Dai-zhen made Confucian classic interpretations of 'Si-wu-xie'(思無邪). These two men's differences about interpretation of The Book of Odes have much importance on the historical aspects of The Book of Odes. So to speak, Dai-zhen had bibliographical approach and described the meaning of poetry objectively, following Mao-shi(毛詩) theory about the interpretation of meaning of poetry, criticizing Zhu-zi's literarary view. Dai-zhen's interpretation of The Book of Odes mentioned Above was made from long vital power of Mao-shi theory and a Confucian classic method. Considering the historical stream of Zhu-zi and Dai-zhen's interpreting The Book of Odes, The Book of Odes will be interpreted and analyzed from the various views in the future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.251-276
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• 2017

This article is an attempt to identify the difference between "Oneness between Heaven and Man(天人合一)" thought proposed by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) in 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' and "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" thought presented by Kwonkun(權近) in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)'. Oneness between Heaven and Man thought, which have developed into practical ideas centered on self-cultivation theory, have a philosophical depth and logical system by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) with 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' in order to summarize the metaphysical cosmology and the treatise of human nature in Dynasty Song. Zhoudunyi established the concept of Wuji(無極) corresponding to Heaven(天), and suggested unified cosmology of 'Wuji(無極)-Taiji(太極)-Yin and Yang(陰 陽)-Five elements(五行)-Human(人間)-Everything(萬物)'. His cosmology is the perception that heaven, the creator of all things, is the relationship of unity, which is connected by man as the creature and the Order(命)and Nature(性). Thus, when people restores one's nature and realized that it is a mandate from Heaven, he said that heavenly unity can be realized and become a Saint(聖人). The idea of Zhoudunyi(周敦?) comes to Zhu Xi(朱熹) about 120 years later and it is concluded to be converged the Neo-Confucianism with Lichi theory. Accordingly, Zhoudunyi(周敦?) is evaluated as the master of the Neo-Confucianism to posterity. KwonKun suggested the idea of "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)' at the end of Goryeo Dynasty. KwonKun's "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" thought is logically coherent by adding an element of the doctrines of Chu-tzu to his teacher Yi Saek's "Chun-In-Mu-Gan" and arranging that the functions of my mind and Li(理) are all together. Whereas Zhuodunyi is concerned with the creation principle of the universe and all things, KwonKun mainly cares about Heaven(天), Human(人), and Heart (心), and Nature(性) in the view of psychology. In addition, he suggested that "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" can be achieved by self-cultivation centered of Gyeong-thought(敬思想). The idea of KwonKun has become a stepping stone to the development of the doctrines of Chu-tzu based on psychology. His ideas came to Yi Hwang about 150 year later, and are integrated into four clue-seven emotion (Sadan Chiljung四端七情) thesis and Gyeong-thought(敬思想). However, unlike the Zhoudunyi, KwonKun is not properly evaluated despite his academic accomplishments.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.