• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.103-118
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• 2021

Gross Domestic Product(GDP) is affected by the economic power of each industry. Therefore, using statistical data related to the food and drug industry, we tried to determine the proportion of GDP and analyzed the impact of the food, medical & drug industry on the domestic economy through comparison with other industries. The food, medical & drug industry has a wide range of industries among domestic industries and is closely related to the lives of the people. In addition, human lifespan is increasing, and recently, due to the spread of an infectious disease called COVID-19, the bio sector belonging to the food, medical & drug industry is in the spotlight. Attention is needed to the industry as the competitiveness of the food, medical & drug industry is expected to increase. The Ministry of Food and Drug Safety provides statistics on the food, medical & drug industry, but does not provide a systematic share of GDP. Since it is difficult to determine how influential the industry is compared to other industries, this study attempts to obtain the share of GDP in the food, medical & drug industry and compare it with other industries. In the process of obtaining GDP in the food, medical & drug industry sector, there was a difficulty in that the figures in statistical data were not unified by time point. In order to overcome the limitations, statistical data as a standard are determined. The GDP of the Food, Medical & Drug Industry was estimated using total added value, production, sales, and added value by industry. Compared to other industries, the Food, Medical & Drug Industry's GDP ranked second after the GDP of the manufacturing industry. As a result, it suggests that the food, medical & drug industry has a great influence on the national economic power among domestic industries.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.82-100
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• 2022

With the crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic and the era of the 4th industrial revolution, archaeological heritage education has entered a new phase. This article responds to the trends in the post-COVID-19 era, seeking ways to develop archaeological heritage education and sustainable strategies necessary in the era of the 4th industrial revolution. The program of archaeological heritage education required in the era of the 4th industrial revolution must cultivate creative talent, solve problems, and improve self-efficacy. It should also draw attention to archaeological heritage maker education. Such maker education should be delivered based on constructivism and be designed by setting specific learning goals in consideration of various age-specific characteristics. Moreover, various ICT-based contents applying VR, AR, cloud, and drone imaging technologies should be developed and expanded, and, above all, ontact digital education(real-time virtual learning) should seek ways to revitalize communities capable of interactive communication in non-face-to-face situations. The development of such ancient heritage content needs to add AI functions that consider learners' interests, learning abilities, and learning purposes while producing various convergent contents from the standpoint of "cultural collage." Online archaeological heritage content education should be delivered following prior learning or with supplementary learning in consideration of motivation or field learning to access the real thing in the future. Ultimately, archaeological ontact education will be delivered using cutting-edge technologies that reflect the current trends. In conjunction with this, continuous efforts are needed for constructive learning that enables discovery and question-exploration.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.281-304
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• 2022

Heungdeokjeon was the first pavilion built on the site of Sueocheong during the expansion of Gyeongungung. In this study, we tried to clarify the specific construction process of Heungdeokjeon, which was used for various purposes such as the copy location for Portraits of ancestors, temporary enshrinement site, and the funeral building for the rest of the body, which is Binjeon. In addition, we tried to confirm the historical value based on the characteristics derived by the history of the building and the rituals performed. Heungdeokjeon began to be built in the second half of 1899, and is estimated to have been completed between mid-February and mid-March 1900. It was a ritual facility equipped with waiting rooms for the emperor and royal ladies as an annex. The relocation work was planned in April 1901 and began in earnest after June, and it was closely linked to the construction of attached buildings of Seonwonjeon. In addition, comparing the records on the construction and relocation cost of Heungdeokjeon with those related to the reconstruction of Seonwonjeon, it was confirmed that annex buildings of Heungdeokjeon were relocated and used as annex buildings of Seonwonjeon. The characteristics identified in the process of Heungdeokjeon used as a place to copy portraits are as follows. First, it was used as a place to copy portraits twice in a short period of time. Second, it was the place where the first unprecedented works were carried out in relation to the copying of portraits. Third, the pavilion, which was specially built for imperial rituals, was used as a place to copy portraits. Since then, it has been used as a funeral building for the rest of the body, and features different from those of the previous period are identified. It was the building dedicated to rituals for use as Binjeon, and was also a multipurpose building for copying portraits. In other words, Heungdeokjeon, along with Gyeongbokgung Taewonjeon, is the building that shows the changes in the operation of Binjeon in the late Joseon Dynasty. Characteristics are also confirmed in portrait-related rituals performed at Heungdeokjeon. The first is that Jakheonlye was practiced frequently in a short period of time. The second is that the ancestral rites of Sokjeolje and Bunhyang in Sakmangil, which are mainly held in the provincial Jinjeon, were identified. This is a very rare case in Jinjeon of the palace. The last is that Jeonbae, jeonal, and Bongsim were implemented mutiple times. In conclusion, Heungdeokjeon can be said to be a very symbolic building that shows the intention of Gojong, who valued imperial rituals, and the characteristics of the reconstruction process of Gyeongungung.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.1-52
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• 2021

The Naejeong, the inner court, which is one of the structures found in the temple complexes of Daesoon Jinrihoe. It serves the function of leading and controlling the operation and direction of Korean religions in general. Considering that the dictionary meaning of 'Naejeong' is 'a place to manage the affairs of the state from inside a palace,' the name and function of the structure appear to be in harmony. However, in the Daesoon Jinrihoe context, it is said that the name 'Naejeong (內庭 'Neiting' in Chinese)' is related to a verse from a Daoist scripture. It has not been revealed whether or not the scripture is historical, and what contents or contextual meanings it contains. This study tries to pursue this matter and introduce the original source of the Naejeong in Daesoon Jinrihoe as likely coming from Qianbapinxianjing (前八品仙經, The Former Scripture of the Eight Phases That Reveal the Means to Acquire Immortality). This scripture was compiled in Lüzu-quanshu(呂祖全書, The Entire Collection of Ancestor Lü). This text and its contextual meanings will also be examined. The origin of Qianbapinxianjing dates back to either the late Ming Dynasty or the early Qing. In those days, there existed a group of literati who worshipped Ancestor Lü because he had saved people and taught the art of immortality. The group organized Daoist Spirit-Writing Altars (鸞壇道敎) and invoked the spirit of Ancestor Lü. They were said to have been taught through messages received from spirit-writing sessions (降乩) with Ancestor Lü and several Daoist scriptures were composed by them in this manner. At Immortals-Gathering Pavilion (集仙樓) of Wandian (萬店) in Guangling (廣陵), China, some literati in that group conducted a spirit-writing session with Ancestor Lü between 1589 and 1626, and they produced a scripture which contained the passage, "A crow and a rabbit gather in the middle valley (烏兎結中谷) while a turtle entwined with a snake is in the inner court (龜蛇盤內庭)." They titled the scripture, The Five Movements and Filial Piety (五行端孝). This passage symbolically expresses the accomplishment of immortality in Neidan (internal alchemy) which, within the human body, combines the two energies of yin and yang which are Water and Fire in the Five Movements scheme. This kind of cultivation is said to be achieved only by maintaining the highest possible degree of filial piety. In this context, the Naejeong where a turtle is entwined with a snake (龜蛇合體) was a term that symbolically depicted a place wherein one transforms into an immortal through cultivation. The Five Movements and Filial Piety was included in Qianbapinxianjing after it had been compiled with the other scriptures containing Ancestor Lü's teachings. In 1744, Qianbapinxianjing was included in Lüzu-quanshu, the entire 32-volume collection of Ancestor Lü and printed for the first time. This underlies the belief in Ancestor Lü (呂祖信仰) which embraces the idea of the redemption of people, teaches the arts of immortality, and features Daoist Spirit-Writing Altars, filial piety, the art of Neidan, and the combination of Water and Fire.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.143-177
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• 2021

In the history of Korean literature, evaluations on 『Jirisan』 (Lee Byeong-ju) are bisected. Some evaluate it as a novel of authentic records which reproduces the history before and after the emancipation objectively while others say it takes advantage of anti-communistic ideology. This study analyzes that difference is resulted not from the distinction of perspectives but from cracks in the text. This is associated with the process of 『Jirisan』's publication. 『Jirisan』 was published serially in 『Sedae』 from 1972, and then, part of the manuscript was published in 1978 and the whole edition published in a series came to be republished in 1981. After that, in 1981 and 1985, part of the follow-up story was printed on the magazine, and then, with the memoirs of those two years as materials, the sixth and seventh volumes were again published through 'revision'. In other words, the publication of 『Jirisan』 is divided into that of the edition published in a series and that of the edition published in 1985 including the contents of revision. The theme of the work, 『Jirisan』 differs according to the point of its completion you may think of. This researcher pays attention to the difference of perspectives between the contents up to the fifth volume and those of the sixth and seventh volumes. Particularly, his evaluation on 'partisans' seems to have changed. In the edition published in a series, he extended 'partisans' into the independence movement in the Japanese colonial era under the Revitalizing Reforms system and adopted the representation of 'partisans' three-dimensionally whereas in the sixth and seventh volumes, he reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were the 'doctrinaire' and 'vicious' 'Reds' and had to be punished. In brief, with 『Jirisan』, he represented 'partisans' in the background of history before and after the emancipation and segmented the discourse, representation and ideology of the Cold War system, but in the process of revision, he stitched up 'partisans' as beings that were evil and losers. Consequently, with 『Jirisan』, he revealed the process of division and contention that proceeded around anti-communism/capitalism within the abyss of the 1970's to 80's and reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were either 'hostile (the Reds)' or 'unknown (losers)

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.34-43
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• 2022

This study compared the characteristics of cultural heritage in China and Vietnam, which have developed in the relationship of mutual geopolitical and cultural influence in history, and the following conclusions were made. First, the definition of cultural heritage in China and Vietnam has similar meanings in both countries. In the case of cultural heritage classification, both countries introduced the legal concept of intangible cultural heritage through UNESCO, and have similarities in terms of intangible cultural heritage. Second, while China has separate laws for managing tangible and intangible cultural heritages, Vietnam integrally manages the two types of cultural heritages under a single law. Vietnam has a slower introduction of the concept of cultural heritage than China, but it shows high integration in terms of system. Third, cultural heritages in both China and Vietnam are graded, which is applied differently depending on the type of heritage. The designation method has a similarity in which the two countries have a vertical structure and pass through steps. By restoring the value of heritage and complementing integrity through such a step-by-step review, balanced development across the country is being sought through tourism to enjoy heritage and create economic effects. Fourth, it was confirmed that the cultural heritage management organization has a central government management agency in both countries, but in China, the authority of local governments is higher than that of Vietnam. In addition, unlike Vietnam, where tangible and intangible cultural heritage are managed by an integrated institution, China had a separate institution in charge of intangible cultural heritage. Fifth, China is establishing a conservation management policy focusing on sustainability that harmonizes the protection and utilization of heritage. Vietnam is making efforts to integrate the contents and spirit of the agreement into laws, programs, and projects related to cultural heritage, especially intangible heritage and economic and social as a whole. However, it is still dependent on the influence of international organizations. Sixth, China and Vietnam are now paying attention to intangible heritage recently introduced, breaking away from the cultural heritage protection policy centered on tangible heritage. In addition, they aim to unite the people through cultural heritage and achieve the nation's unified policy goals. The two countries need to use intangible heritage as an efficient means of preserving local communities or regions. A cultural heritage preservation network should be established for each subject that can integrate the components of intangible heritage into one unit to lay the foundation for the enjoyment of the people. This study has limitations as a research stage comparing the cultural heritage system and preservation management status in China and Vietnam, and the characteristic comparison of cultural heritage policies by type remains a future research task.

• Journal of Life Science
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• v.32 no.8
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• pp.601-610
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• 2022

P. tenebrifer (PT) belongs to the Diptera order and Stratiomyidae family. Recently, insect industry have been focused as food, animal feed and environmental advantages. γ-aminobutyric acid (GABA) and melatonin have been associated with regulating sleep and depression. GABA is the primary inhibitory neurotransmitter and is synthesized via biotransformation of monosodium glutamate (MSG) to GABA by lactic acid bacteria. In this study, we first used a GABA-enhanced PT extract, wherein GABA was enhanced by feeding MSG to PT. The underlying mechanisms preventing stress and insomnia were investigated in a corticosterone (CORT)-induced endoplasmic reticulum (ER) stress and chronic restraint stress (CRS)-exposed mouse model, as well as in pentobarbital (45 mg/kg)-induced sleep behaviors in mice. In the present study, the GABA peak was detected in high-performance liquid chromatography-evaporative light scattering detector (HPLC-ELSD) analysis and showed in Ptecticus tenebrifer water extract (PTW) but not in non-PTW extract. The results showed that PTW and Ptecticus tenebrifer with 70% ethanol extract (PTE) exerted neuroprotective effects by protecting against CORT-induced downregulation of phosphorylated extracellular signal-regulated kinase 1/2 (ERK1/2) and cAMP-response element binding protein (CREB) expression. In addition, PTW (300 mg/kg) significantly reduced CORT levels in CRS-exposed mice. Furthermore, PTW (100 and 300 mg/kg) significantly reduced sleep latency and increased total sleep duration in pentobarbital (45 mg/kg)-induced sleeping behaviors, which was related to serum melatonin levels. In conclusion, our results suggest that PTW exerts anti-stress and sleep-enhancing effects by regulating serum CORT and melatonin levels.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.24-33
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• 2022

The travel notes and nature poems found in historic literary men's works can be considered historical records related to scenic sites. Such travel notes and nature poems are based on the writers' personal characters, experiences, learning and etc. Such works clearly show the characters of each literature, information of the related objects and the writers' thoughts of the objects. This study, thus, looked into Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain that could be the origin of Eobusa(漁父詞) loved and sung by Korean historic literary men, and found that the Korean and Chinese literary men's thoughts were shown through their ways to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain and their Euisang on the mountain, which was different between the Korean and Chinese literary men depending on the geographical locations described in their poems. In detail, the study results are: 1. Such difference of the ways to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain, the scenic site described in historic Korean and Chinese literary men's work is broadly classified into the ways to enjoy the scenic site by seeing it in person and the ways to enjoy it under the mental structure of speculation. 2. Xīsāishān Mountain in Wuxing is the background of Yújiāzi(漁家子) of the painting Zhāngzhìhé, is boasting its distinguished beautiful nature, and is the place where the Confucian Study of Hú(湖學) was originated. It is also the place known of its warmhearted climate. Therefore, Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain under such beautiful and warmhearted circumstance are realized as the complete freedom and seclusion in Taoism and the satisfaction with the given environment and position in Confucianism. 3. Xīsāishān Mountain in Wǔchāng is a military strategic point with rugged mountain terrain and scenery that has been a historic ferocious battlefield and related with the loyal civil servant Qū Yuán. The Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain in Wǔchāng, therefore, represents the nature scenery of a rugged fortress and patriotism of Confucianism. 4. The Korean literary men's way to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain is Shinyu(神遊: spiritual travel), so that their Euisang is formed according to the direction of the writer's values. Especially it is noted that Korean Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain is originally based on the painting Zhāngzhìhé that shows the complete free mood of Taoism; and the Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain that came from the mindful image by the poet monk Qíjǐ of Tang dynasty and Kim Si-seup appears with such Buddhist ways to seek the truth as SakGongIlYeo(色空一如: Being full is essentially as same as being vacant) and GyeonSeongSeongBul(見性成佛: Everybody can become Buddha by enlightenment).