• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.427-437
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• 2020

Manganese nodules, which are evaluated as potential metal resources, have been found in the Arctic Ocean as well as in the abyssal plains of the Pacific and Indian Oceans. Manganese nodules exhibit strong variations in the morphology, internal texture, chemical composition and mineralogy as they grow. The relationship between the texture and chemical elemental composition during the growth process is well documented, but the mineral composition variation during the growth process is not. Because the manganese oxide minerals in nodules are fine-grained and poorly crystalline, quantitative analysis for the mineral composition is challenging for the bulk nodule sample. This study investigated the internal texture and Mn-oxide mineral composition of manganese nodules obtained from the East Siberian Sea. Semi-quantitative analysis was attempted for three main Mn-oxide minerals constituting the manganese nodules (i.e., todorokite, buserite and birnessite) using the peak area ratio of X-ray diffraction analysis graphs. In the East Siberian Sea manganese nodules, birnessite is more abundant than buserite or todorokite, and no correlation is found between the mineral composition and the internal texture. Instead a correlation is found between the relative content of todorokite and the lamellae depth. The todorokite content tends to increase from the surface to the core of the nodules, which can be attributed to a recrystallization process or difference in the growth rate within the nodule. This study shows that semi-quantitative analysis of manganese oxide minerals using the peak area ratio is useful in the mineralogical study of manganese nodules.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.61-77
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• 2011

This study focused on relevant rock names related to Sinsun(神仙) which had been settled as Taoist traces were combined with places. While interpreting major features of Sundoism relevant rocks, it also discussed types and places of rocks reflected in their names by considering distinct characteristics of landscape characters that ancestors viewed through the rocks or on the rocks. Conclusion of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Among the rock names related to Sinsun, the most frequently discovered one was Sinsunbawi(52) and followed by Sinsunbong(神仙峰: 38), Sinsundae(神仙臺: 31). Other than these, there were Gangsundae(降仙臺: 12), Sunyoodae (仙遊臺: 10) and Sasundae(四仙臺: 5). 2. In the name of Sinsundae, 'Dae(臺)' ascertains that it was located in greatly superb place in the aspects of viewpoint and appreciation where landscape superiority and overlook scenery were fair and outstanding. 3. Sinsunbong was named for a peak of mountain. At the same time, it implied a notion of worship with images of 'merging with sky' or 'looking up.' Most of time, Sinsunbong indicated the tallest rock in the mountain chain. 4. A significant number of Sinsunbong had names where legends of Sinsun's Go game or descent were originated from. It shows that 'Sinsun(仙) and Go game' used to be very important motives for folk etymology of Sinsun related rocks. Along with the Sinsundae, a number of Sinsunbawi were also turned out to exist in land and ocean with excellent marine view. 5. According to analysis of their altitudes and heights of the peaks where the rocks belong to, Sinsunbong, Sinsundae and Sinsunbawi were in order. It might indicate that the rocks were located on top of mountain or that Sinsunbong represented the mountain itself. Compared to this, Sinsundae was located in where distant panoramic views were overlooked. It was not necessarily to be in peak but in where with a great view like Taoist world. On the other hand, Sinsunbawi was located in where has fine scenery and great valley not so far from villages, which proved its name had been influenced by place feature not altitude. 6. Feature of rock with Sinsun related name is to comprise visual stability of worship object with close linkage to attitude of worshiper. Considering its deep connection with communicative method of worship object and worshiper, seemingly it was main factor to lead folk etymology of rocks with Sinsun related names. 7. Rock is an object with the greatest implication of Sinsun imagination and Sinsun rocks show most clearly the fact that Taoism, which used to be considered as inaccessible, had been actualized in a visual and realistic manner with the change of time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.99-107
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• 2011

This study is aiming to acquire data for enhancing genuineness of restoration through reviewing external and internal scenery of Baegun-dong Wonlim such as Baegun-dong 8 Objects of Scenery(pines, bamboos, chrysanthemum, orchid, maehwa blossom, magnolia, fiddle and crane) and 12 Scenic Spots and reviewing internal and external scenery of Baegun-dong Wonlim such as views and scenery for plantation. For Baegun-dong 8 Young which sang songs about scenic spots of Baegun-dong Wonlim it seemed that its head words were formed through borrowing rhyming words from caption of Baegun-dong Yuseogi(白雲洞幽棲記). Accordingly it seemed these scenery secured its status of Wonlim from the beginning. Particularly the words of fiddle and crane in 琴棋書畵(Geumgisuhha) implied that playing Komungo and brushwriting were firmly rooted as romantic pursuits of classical scholars of that time. In consideration of distance upto Okpanbong which is one of 12 scenic spots of Baegun-dong radius of outer circumference is estimated to be around 1.6km. From Okgpanbong, the epicenter, Sandagyeong, Baegokmae, Hongokpok and Pungdan etc. correspond to transitional space. And inner scenery was formed with hub of thatched cottages and bowers surrounded with chrysanthemums, poenies, rhododendron, Phyllostachys bambusoides, pines and upper and lower water paths. Thus it seemed there was scenic structure of centrifugal nature as well as of multiplicity. Forms of majority of water paths with residual structure found in the country have streamlined forms on the other hand Baegun-dong water paths have straight line which almost dominate inner gardens in terms of scale and forms thus revealing its extraordinary idea and design. In order to promote genuine restoration of Baegun-dong Wonlim it will be necessary to have consideration from standpoint of managing perspective to assure presentation of gradual scenery with elements of scenic objects for outer view among 12 Scenic Spots.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.129-163
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• 2016

This study examines processes of cultural introductions and transformations among Korea, China and Japan via focuses on the formative characteristics of nasori(納曾利) masks belonging to komagaku (高麗樂), part of bugaku (舞樂), a Japanese court dance and music. Previous studies of traditional masks in East Asia focus on their dramatic characters and entertaining aspects. On the contrary, it approaches to their origins through the formative characteristics of komagaku nasori masks. Prince of Lanling, the representative togaku passed to Japan, and komagaku nasori perform a pair of toubu (答舞). One formative characteristic between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks is a dangling jaw (吊り顎). Masks having 'he' (へ)-shaped eyes like Japan's okina (翁) masks are characterized by a division (切顎) between the face and jaw, which is as same as the Korean masks. Other common grounds between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks are grotesque ghost faces and concentric double-circled eyes with their outlines painted gold. Concentric double-circled eyes prove that they spread to broader areas before the age of togaku and developed into a variety of divine-animal mask patterns. That Korean masks and nasori masks both have concentric double-circled eyes and dangling jaws is a significant starting point in studying the origin of traditional performing art in East Asia. Japan's bugaku has been passed down in shrines as part of folk religion. However, there exist in Korea no records or examples related to komagaku nasori masks introduced to Japan. This study provides some clues to comparison between Korean masks and komagaku nasori masks by focusing on the formative characteristics of the latter. The researcher suggests a new perspective to nasori mask dance by re-examining earlier Korean studies of the introduction of Daemyeonmu of Prince of Lanling to Japan through Shilla and the assumption of Nasori as Shilla music.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.407-434
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• 2018

This study took a look at the crossing the border into Liadong in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has nearly not been paid attention to in the history of the Buddhism in Korea, and the Chinese, Buddhist whereabouts of Monk Mangong and Jeokhyu, the periodical, Buddhist priests. Regarding the large-scale, Buddhist oppression measures of King Taejong in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty and King Sejong, the Buddhist circle did not not respond helplessly, but, rather, it had made the resistance on its own way. Especially, the Naonghyegeum of Jogyeseonjong and the disciple affiliates of Taegobowu had stood out. The disciples of Bowu had mainly hit the Sinmungo or had advocated the self-purification of Buddhism. And the disciple affiliates of Naong either had reorganized the Buddhist circle with Muhak in the center or had opposed the suppression. And, by receiving the help of the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, they had intended to protect the Buddhist circle, or they, also, crossed the border into Liadong. Although, while attempting the crossing the border into another territory, they were arrested like the sea ships, like Mangong of King Taejong and Jeokhyu of King Sejong, they succeeded in crossing the border into another territory, and they left the clear whereabouts in the Chinese, Buddhist circle. Mangong was one Buddhist monk among the 11 Buddhist monks who crossed the border into Liadong during the King Taejong. After crossing the border, Mangong had moved again from Beijing on a sea route and had settled for after going into a mountain in the Zen sect at the Tienchieh temple in Nanjing. Meanwhile, he had been close to the Joseon Dynasty, and he relocated to Mount Taishan, where there had been the history, thereby rebuilding the Chikurin Temple and the Buchauchan temple and widely publicizing the Buddhism. During the time of King Sejong, by crossing the border into Liadong together with a total of 10 Monks, including the Buddhist monks Shinnae, Shinhyu, Shindam, Hyeseon, Hongjeok, Haebi, Shinyeon, Honghye, Shinwun, etc., under the protection by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in Beijing, Jeokhyu went through Shanhaiguan and had moved to the Tienchieh Temple in Nanjing. Although their whereabouts can not be known, on the Guji Mountain in Beijing, Jeokhyu founded the Banyaseonsa Temple nearby the Ryeongamseonsa Temple, where the clergy and the laity of the Goryeo Dynasty had resided and, especially, where Naong and the disciples of Muhak etc. had stayed. As such, the Buddhist monks in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty had either resisted the suppression by the country or crossed the border into another territory. Mangong and Jeokhyu of the times of King Taejong and King Sejong had led the Chinese, Buddhism circle, had rebuilt the Buddhist temples, and had contributed to the development of the Chinese Buddhism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.155-184
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• 2014

This Paper is research for Yulgok School(栗谷學派)'s lixue(禮學) in the first half of 17c centering around Uiremunhae(疑禮問解) and Uiremunhaesuk(疑禮問解續). Uiremunhae and Uiremunhaesuk are a book between Kim Jangsaeng(金長生) Kim Jip(金集) and his follower's questions & answers about li. A book or letter of questions & answers about li is useful for comprehension of lixue's opinion, especially questions & answers about controversial li shows their critical mind and a foundation of cognition for li. Thus I make showing then situation of Kim Jangsaeng and his follower in relates to understanding and performing Zhuxi's family rituals on analyzing questions & answers about controversial li. Kim Jangsaeng Kim Jip and his follower's characteristic of lixue are several on analyzing Uiremunhae. First, Kim Jangsaeng and his follower researched for Zhuxi's family rituals with systematic approach and in-depth research, and detailed in reference to the Classic of li, Zhuxi, Zheongyi(程?), Zangzai(張載)'s thoery of li and chinese lixue data, and Lee Hwang(李滉), Lee Yi(李珥), Song Yikpil(宋翼弼), Jeong Goo(鄭逑)'s thoery of li and korean lixue data. Next, on questions & answers about controversial li, Kim and his follower basically maintained following Zhuxi's family rituals. Zonfa, sacrificial rituals and funeral rituals are all such that, and if there happened omission and contradiction in Zhuxi's family rituals, they refered to Zhuxi's theory of li on the collected works of Zhuxi and the analects of Zhuxi and searched righteous li by historial invesigation. Then, Kim and his follower critically were in succession to Lee Yi and Song Yikpil's thoery of li. finally, They also had to considered then situation on li(Zhuxi's family rituals' li and ancient li)'s operation and actualizatin on considering principle and mind of li.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

This paper examines the persuasive style(論說類) proses of Myeonggog(明谷) Choi, seokjeong(崔錫鼎, 1646~1715). He is a disciple of Namguman(南九萬) and Parksechae(朴世采), and is a man who played an active part by political soron(少論) leader in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. It is also a central figure that links the genealogy of the late Joseon Dynasty, which leads to Namguman(南九萬)-Choiseokjeong(崔錫鼎)-Chotaeeok(趙泰億). He wrote total 14 persuasive style prose. The time of creation is from around 1671 until the end of life. In this paper, the preoses to be analyzed are Sunukron(荀彧論), Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) and Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨). The reverse idea that reverses the existing discussion is outstanding, and the work which is unique in composition is Sunukron(荀彧論). Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) is a work that uses the ryubi(類比) to increase persuasiveness and converts the existing perspective. Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) is a work that attempted to harmonize in the formality of vocabulary, sentence and composition while showing the logical perfection to dismiss the counter-argument's prerequisite. For example, Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) consists of a total of five paragraphs in aspect of composition, each paragraph arranged in good order. In addition, this work presented sequential arguments, used the incremental method which emphasizes the importance of arguments as it moves backward.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.223-264
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• 2014

Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo(淵泉 洪奭周: 1774-1842) faithfully followed a policy of restoration of literary style of king Jeongjo. He was an young vassal after 1794 and influenced by Jeongjo because Yeoncheon was around the king. Furthermore, he had comparatively favorable working period as a vassal(仕宦期, 1795-1836) after death of Jeongjo(1800) while establishing his own academic viewpoint. Therefore, a study about art theory of Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo is one about logical system to accept various desires for change of then while not getting rid of scope of Neo-Confucianism after Jeongjo. It is catched that exchange of Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong was made relating to study of Sangseo. Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong absorbed in study of Sangseo, which is come from putting importance on 6 scriptures (經) among studies of scriptures by both of them. Through this, they aimed to re-discover ideology of original Confucian studies as one for cultivating oneself and governing people (修己治人之學). Dasan and Yeoncheon have something in common that they were young vassals who were cultivated as a guarding power for Jeongjo centered on Gyujanggak. They were largely fit to view of literature(文體觀) of Jeongjo. Hong Seok-joo distinguished function of prose(文) and poetry(詩) into teaching moral(明敎) and moving people(感人) in the category of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on thoughts of 'literature is linguistic device for Taoism '(道本文末)' which is a core concept of literature theory based on Neo-Confucianism. He gave a careful attention on instructional and social function in prose while on emotional understanding that puts importance on temper and the secrets of nature in poetry. Hong Seok-joo regarded moral impression and edification through this as a core of artistic creation based on Segyoseol(世敎說). Furthermore, expressions such as 'Heunggwangunwon(興觀群怨)' or 'Yeohangguyo(閭巷謳謠) which are mentioned as important elements in his artistic works put importance on actual existence of objective things in artistic activity and this is connected to an attitude to require description fit to fact. So, it is assumed that such expression style aimed for features of genre painting in painting arts. Understanding of the study of ancient documents by Yeoncheon developed from critical perspective. He criticized the study of ancient documents, saying it as first, Pasoijisul(破碎之術), second, Dotaekjisul(塗澤之術), third, Hoimojisul(毁侮之術). Jeong Yak-yong criticized ' theory on the Odes' from viewpoint of theory of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on Neo-Confucianism. He stressed political and social function of Sipeon and general poetry in "the Odes" and reinterprets discourses about poetry of Zhu Xi based on his own opinion. He says that poems of national fashion do political and social criticism. The theory of national fashion by Jeong Yak-yong clearly discloses his thoughts that stress practical role of noblemen in the social and political context.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.39-71
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• 2012

This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.