• Title/Summary/Keyword: 제자학(諸子學)

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Control Networks for Information Systems Development : Organizational and Agency Theory Perspectives (조직 이론과 대리 이론 관점에서 본 정보시스템 개발의 통제 네트워크에 관한 연구)

  • Hong, Sa-Neung
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.18 no.1
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    • pp.71-90
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    • 2012
  • Although it has been studied for a long time in various disciplines, most of control theories remain being developed by analyzing relatively simple tasks. Even recent research on control of information systems development explains only a small part of control phenomena observed in the real world projects. This research focuses on identifying and analyzing the concepts and structures in order to make them useful for understanding and explaining control of information systems development comprehensively This investigation utilizes the complementary relationship between views on control from organizational and economic perspectives. A conceptual framework developed by integrating previous research on control allows us to analyze the development of information systems for control purposes. The results of discussion about control mechanisms and network can be used as guidelines for designing control systems in real projects. Analysis of control networks shows that control of development projects requires quite complex networks intertwining a variety of controllers and controlees. The results of this research are expected to contribute to correcting the unbalanced status of IS research which has emphasized too heavily on planning and implementation, and deepening and widening our understanding about controlling development projects. Practitioners can use the results as guidelines for designing control mechanisms and networks, and get alerted by them about the agency risks inherent in outsourced developments.

Toegye's Simhak and Spiritualism (퇴계 심학과 정신주의 철학)

  • Jang, Seung-koo
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.142
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    • pp.241-263
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this paper is to investigate Toegye's simhak in relation to spiritualism. In general, we call Chu Hsi's learning "lihak" (the learning of principle) while Wang Yangming's learning is described as "simhak" (the learning of mind). However, we sometimes call Toegye's learning "simhak" in spite of his respect for Chu Hsi's philosophy of li. Toegye's simhak is different from Wang Yangming's. Nonetheless, Toegye too, highlighted the existential meaning of truth. Toegye regarded simgyung (the book of mind) as one of the most important classics for self-cultivation. As is well known, Toegye's main concern was concentration on mind and heart cultivation. Toegye understood li as a spiritual being, which can actualize itself. The goal of simhak is to become a sage. For a sage, there is no contradiction between moral norm and human desire. To become a sage, Toegye developed the theory and practice of mind cultivation. Toegye's simhak has some common characteristics with Louis Lavelle's philosophy of spiritualism. Both Toegye and Louis Lavelle lay great emphasis on self reflection and spiritual life. In particular, Toegye developed the concrete method of mind cultivation. In the 21st century, human beings are confronted with spiritual crisis in many aspects. Toegye's simhak can be advanced as useful wisdom to keep one's mind in a peaceful and harmonious state.

Education Reflection on the Concept of Hinduism Ashrama (힌두교의 아슈라마(ashrama)에 관한 교육적 고찰 : 교육이념?목적?목표와 내용 및 방법을 중심으로)

  • Woo, Beodle;Kang, Min A;Son, Dong-In;Shin, Changho
    • (The)Korea Educational Review
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.287-311
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    • 2018
  • This research identifies an educational ideal, purpose of goal intrinsic to Hindu ashrama and provide a concrete list of appropriate educational contents and methods in accordance with them. The ideal is moksa a pursuit of spiritual liberation. The goal is to be consciously aware of and practice the Dharma at each of the four stages of life, as preserved in ashrama, by completing the educational contents and methods in each stage. In the fist stage, the student stage, the goal is to learn social laws, recognize his vocation and responsibilities through studying Veda, and engage in apprenticeship with the teacher. In the second stage, the householder stage, the goal is to get married, take care of his family, and produce the kinds of service the society requires of him. In order to do so, he is expected to learn in his ordinary life the manners for family members and the ways of ancestral rituals. In the third stage, the self-disciplined stage, the goal is to retire from social responsibilities, behave in accordance with norms and rules, and set oneself free from material desire. In order to do so, he is expected to complete the eight stage of yoga and practice asceticism. In the four stage, the nirvana stage, the goal is to completely free from obsession and reaches the spiritual liberation. In order to do so, one is expected to participate in meditation and pilgrimage to the Holy Land until he reaches the final point.

A Study on the I-Ching of Lee Ik(李瀷) as a Member of South Faction near Seoul - Centering around "Shiguakao(「蓍卦攷」) (근기남인(近畿南人)으로서의 성호(星湖) 이익(李瀷)의 역학사상(易學思想) - 「시괘고(蓍卦攷)」를 중심으로 -)

  • Seo, Geun Sik
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.161-183
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    • 2011
  • Lee Ik(李瀷) had put emphasis on the achievements by self-regulated academic learning through doubts, and at the same time that it was all-embracing. His academic attitude had set an example among the members of Seongho school(星湖學派), and his disciples had strived to emulate his style. The greatness of Seongho(星湖)'s study had been revealed by development of Seongho school(星湖學派) right after his death. He had argued that the six strokes of I-Ching should be read having it divided into inward and outward divine signs. He had stated his view clearly that the divine signs ranging from one stroke to six strokes were not connected, same as Shao yong(邵雍)'s method, but, the three strokes of inward divine sign as well as the three strokes of outward divine signs were independent from each other. Seongho(星湖) also had raised many questions about Shifa(筮法), and Bianyao(變爻) and Zhuzi(朱子)'s Shifa(筮法), or Yixueqimeng("易學啓蒙") "Kaobianzhan("考變占")". In view of the Shifa(筮法), Seongho(星湖) had helped Dasan(茶山) to present 'Shiguafa(蓍卦法)' by proposing different divination rule from Zhuzi(朱子)'s Method of Divination by Shiyi("筮儀"). Seongho(星湖) had not professed something significantly different from Zhuzi(朱子) in his I-xue. His study on I-xue had been accomplished under his goal of achievements by self-regulated academic learning through doubts. "Shiguakao("蓍卦攷")" is also same. I-xue of Seongho(星湖) had made a great contribution to form Dasan(茶山)'s I-xue in the later years.

Songgye Na-sik's Literary World and it's Local Base (송계나식(松桂懶湜)의 문학 세계와 지역적 기반)

  • Kim, Jongjin
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.9-35
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    • 2016
  • This study examined Songgye Na-sik's(松桂懶湜, 1684~1765) literary world based on Priest Songgye's Anthology(松桂大禪師文集). In consideration of the insufficiencies of the only previous study on Songgye's literature, this study was focused on his ideological character and its historicity, the trend of literary exchange in the Buddhist circle, and the literary geographical aspect of his literature. Priest Songgye was the head of the Bonghwa-sa Temple in Andong during the years under the rule of Kings Sukjong and Yeongjo, and learned from Hwanseong Ji-ahn(喚醒志安, 1664~1729) and Nakam Eui-nul(落巖義訥, 1666~1737). The priest did not have many students under him nor leave numerous writings. In the process of the development of the Buddhist doctrines in the late Joseon Dynasty, however, he completed the scripture learning courses faithfully and laid the ground of his philosophy. In addition, the afterword of Hwaeomgyeongchilcheogupumhoipummok (華嚴經七處九會品目跋) shows that he compiled the book under his teacher's instruction. What is more, he is known to have devoted himself to belief in the Pure Land in his late years. Given these backgrounds, the priest's life, writings, and ideological tendencies pursued all of Zen, Hwaeom, and the Pure Land together, and at the same time, reflected the characteristics of Korean Buddhism in the 18th century. The priest steadily cultivated himself in poetry and established his own literary world, and all the outcomes were fully reflected in his anthology. Priest Songgye walked the road of a learner throughout his lifetime but, on the other hand, he established his identity as a literary man in the specific time and space of Andong, Yeongnam in the late Joseon Dynasty.

Reconceptualization of Catechesis for Forming Holistic Faith (통전적 신앙형성을 위한 교리교육의 재개념화)

  • Jang, Shin-Geun
    • Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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    • v.68
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    • pp.175-216
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    • 2021
  • This essay aims to seek an alternative model of catechesis, as this form of education faces various challenges from the Korean Church especially during COVID-19 pandemic. For a long time, catechesis in the Korean Church narrowly focused on the act of producing Christians who would be loyal to the local church, rather than focusing on nurturing members loyal to Christ, an issue that has been problematized in recent publications on catechesis. Thus, the loss of social trust in the Korean Church and the decline of its public image exemplify how this type of catechesis as disciple-making for local church's benefit, mostly nurtures a vertical dimension of faith. The current teaching and learning method mostly employs a unilateral transfer of doctrine from the teacher to the learner and emphasizes the memorization of doctrine. This type of instruction renders the catechesis as the most lackluster and outdated form of Christian education. This essay aims to reconceptualize the traditional model of catechesis. This essay first critically evaluates current situations of catechesis and presents several alternative meanings on the concept of doctrine. Then it explores the theories of catechesis through different models posed by Christian educators such as John Westerhoff III and Richard Osmer. The final section is devoted to presenting an alternative form of catechesis that focuses on seeking holistic faith.

Effects of Aquarobics Exercise on Body Composition, Fitness andHealth Related Quality of Life(SF-36) in Elderly Women (아쿠아로빅 운동이 노인 여성의 신체구성, 체력 및건강관련 삶의 질(SF-36)에 미치는 영향)

  • So, Wi-Young;Hong, Jee-Young;Jun, Eun-Jin;Choi, Dai-Hyuk;Kim, Ki-Hong
    • 한국노년학
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    • v.30 no.3
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    • pp.683-694
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    • 2010
  • This study was to investigate the effects of aquarobics exercise on body composition, fitness and health related quality of life (sf-36) in elderly women and to provide basic data to exercise prescription. The subjects were the 60~70 years old seniors who participated in exercise program at health promotion center and had been divided into exercise(N=25) and control(N=30) group, respectively. Aquarobics exercise was performed twice per week for 8 weeks at 40~70% heart rate reserve(exercise intensity) and body composition, fitness and SF-36 were measured before and after exercise. In body composition, there were significance in weight(p=0.044), body mass index(p=0.038), and %fat(p=0.005) between groups before and after. In fitness, there were no significance in fitness such as chair stand, and chair sit and reach, but there were significance in 2-minute step(p<0.001), arm curl(p=0.005), back scratch(p=0.023), and 8-ft up and go(p<0.001) between groups. In SF-36, there were no significance in physical functioning, role limitation-physical, role limitation-emotional, social functioning, mental health, and vitality, but there were significance in bodily pain(p=0.039), and general health(p=0.024) between groups. It was found that aquarobics exercise was one of the good exercise types for the elderly to improve body composition and fitness. Also, there was positive effect on health-related quality of life partially.

The Critic on Mohism in the History of Korean Thoughts Centered on the Theory of Rejecting Heterodoxy (한국사상사에서의 묵가(墨家) 비판 - 벽리단론(闢異端論)의 전개 양상을 중심으로 -)

  • Yun, Muhak
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.29
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    • pp.89-123
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    • 2010
  • As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

On the Bibliographies of Chinese Historical Books - Classifying and cataloguing system of six historical bibliographies - (중국의 사지서목에 대하여 -육사예문$\cdot$경적지의 분류 및 편목체재 비교를 중심으로-)

  • Kang Soon-Ae
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.24
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    • pp.289-332
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    • 1993
  • In china, six bibliographies of offical historical books are evaluated at the most important things among the systematically-editing bibliographies. These bibliographies would be usful to study the orign of classical sciences and their development, bibliographic research of Chinese classics, bibliographic judgement on genuine books, titles, authors, volumes. They could be refered to research into graving, correcting, and existence of ancient books. therefore, these bibliographies would be applied to estimation the phase of scientific and cultural development. The study of these bibliographies has been not yet made in Korea. This thesis lays its importance on the background of their appearance, their classification norms, organizing system of their catalogue, and comparison between their difference. 1. Editing and compiling of Chilyak (칠약) by Liu Chin (유흠) and official histories played an important role of entering an apperance of historical book's bibliographies. Chilyak has been lost. However, its classification and compiling system of classical books would be traced by Hansoyemunji(한서예문지) of which basic system is similar to Chilyak. It classified books according to their scientific characteristic. If a few books didn't have their own categories, they were combined by the circles parallel to the books' characteristic. With the books classified under the same scientific characteristic, they were again divided into the scientific schools or structures. It also arranged the same kinds of books according to the chronology. The some books wi th duplicate subjects were classified multiplely by their duplicate subject. 2. Ssu-ma Chon's (사마천) The Historical Records (Saki, 사기) and Pan Ku's (반고) The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanso, 한서) has also took effects on appearance of historical books' bibliographies. Covering overall history, Saki was structured by the five parts: The basic annals(본기), the chronological tables (표), the documents (서), the hereditary houses (세가), biographies (열전). The basic annals dealt with kings and courts' affairs according to the chronology. The chronological tables was the records of the annals. The documents described overall the social and cultural systems. The hereditary houses recorded courts' meritorious officials and public figures. The biographies showed exemplars of seventy peoples selected by their social status. Pan Ku(반구)'s The History of the Former Han Dynasty(한서) deserved to be called the prototype for the offical histories after Saki's (사기; The Historical Records) apperance. Although it modelled on Saki, it had set up its own cataloguing system. It was organized by four parts; the basic annals (본기), the chronological tables (표), treatises(지), biographies (열전). The documents in the Hanso(한서) was converted into treatises(지). The hereditary houses and biographies were merged. For the first time, the treatise with The Yemunji could operate function for historical bibliographies. 3. There were six historical bibliographies: Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), Susokyongjeokji (수서경적지), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지), Shindangsoyemunji (신당서예문지), Songsayemunji (송사예문지), Myongsayemunji (명사예문지). 1) Modelling on Liu Chin's Chilyak except Chipryak(집략), Hansoyemunji divided the characteristic of the books and documents into six parts: Yukrye(육예), Cheja(제자), Shibu(시부), Pyongsoh(병서), Susul(수술), Pangki(방기). Under six parts, there were thirty eight orders in Hansoyemunji. To its own classification, Hansoyemunji applied the Chilyak's theory of classification that the books or documents were managed according to characteristic of sciences, the difference of schools, the organization of sentences. However the overlapped subjects were deleted and unified into one. The books included into an unsuitable subject were corrected and converted into another. The Hansoyemunji consisted of main preface (Taesoh 대서), minor preface (Sosoh 소서) , the general preface (Chongso 총서). It also recorded the introduction of books and documents, the origin of sciences, the outline of subjects, and the establishment of orders. The books classified by the subject had title, author, and volumes. They were rearranged by titles and the chronological publication year. Sometimes author was the first access point to catalogue the books. If it was necessary for the books to take footnotes, detail notes were formed. The Volume number written consecutively to order and subject could clarify the quantity of books. 2) Refering to Classfication System by Seven Norms (칠분법) and Classification System by Four Norms(사분법), Susokyongjeokji(수서경적지) had accomplished the classification by four norms. In fact, its classification largely imitated Wanhyosoh(완효서)'s Chilrok(칠록), Susokyongjeokji's system of classification consisted of four parts-Kyung(경), Sa(사), Cha(자), Chip(칩). The four parts were divided into 40 orders. Its appendix was again divided into two parts, Buddihism and Taiosm. Under the two parts there were fifteen orders. Totally Susokyongjeokji was made of six parts and fifty five orders. In comparison with Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), it clearly showed the conception of Kyung, Sa, Cha, Chip. Especially it deserved to be paid attention that Hansoyemunji laied history off Chunchu(춘추) and removed history to Sabu(사부). However Chabu(사부) put many contrary subjects such as Cheja(제자), Kiye(기예), Sulsu(술수), Sosol(소설) into the same boundary, which committed errors insufficient theoretical basis. Anothor demerit of Susokyongjeokji was that it dealt with Taiosm scriptures and Buddism scriptures at the appendix because they were considered as quasi-religion. Its compilation of bibliographical facts consisted of main preface(Taesoh 대서), minor preface(Sosoh 소서), general preface (Chongsoh 총서), postscript (Husoh 후서). Its bibliological facts mainly focused on the titles. Its recorded authors' birth date and their position. It wrote the lost and existence of books consecutive to total number of books, which revealed total of the lost books in Su Dynasty. 3) Modelling on the basis of Kokumsorok(고분서록) and Naewaekyongrok(내외경록), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지) had four parts and fourty five orders. It was estimated as the important role of establishing basic frame of classification by four norms in classification theory's history. However it had also its own limit. Editing and compling orders of Kudangsokyongjeokji had been not progressively changed. Its orders imitated by and large Susokyongjeokji. In Its system of organizing catalogue, with its minor preface and general preface deleting, Kudangsokyongjeokji by titles after orders sometimes broke out confusion because of unclear boundaries between orders. 4) Shindangsoyemunji(신당서예문지), adding 28,469 books to Kudangsokyongjeokji, recorded 82,384 books which were divided by four parts and fourty four orders. In comparison with Kudangkyongjeokj, Sindangsoyemunji corrected unclear order's norm. It merged the analogical norms four orders (for instance, Kohun 고훈 and Sohakryu 소학류) and seperated the different norms four orders (for example, Hyokyong 효경 and Noneuhryu 논어류, Chamwi 참위 and Kyonghaeryu 경해류, Pyonryon 편년 and Wisaryu 위사류). Recording kings' behaviors and speeches (Kikochuryu 기거주류) in the historical parts induced the concept of specfication category. For the first time, part of Chipbu (집부) set up the order of classification norm for historical and literatural books and documents (Munsaryu 문사류). Its editing and compiling had been more simplified than Kudangsokyongjeokji. Introduction was written at first part of bibliographies. Appendants except bibliographic items such subject, author, title, volume number, total were omitted. 5) Songsayemunji(송사예문지) were edited in the basis of combining Puksong(북송) and Namsong(남송), depending on Sabukuksayemunji(사부국사예문지). Generally Songsayemunji had lost a lot of bibliographical facts of many books. They were duplicated and wrongly classified books because it committed an error of the incorrectly annalistic editing. Particularly Namsong showed more open these defaults. Songsayemunji didin't include the books published since the king Youngchong(영종). Its system of classification was more better controlled. Chamwiryu(참위류) in the part of Kyongbu(경부) was omitted. In the part of history(Sabu 사부), recordings of kings' behaviors and speeches more merged in the annals. Historical abstract documents (Sachoryu 사초류) were seperately arranged. In the part of Chabu(자부), Myongdangkyongmaekryu(명당경맥류) and Euisulryu(의술류) were combined. Ohangryu(오행류) were laied off Shikuryu(시구류). In the part of Chipbu(집부), historical and literatural books (Munsaryu 문사류) were independentely arranged. There were the renamed orders; from Wisa(위사) to Paesa(패사), Chapsa (잡사) to Pyolsa(열사), Chapchonki(잡전기) to Chonki(전기), Ryusoh(류서) to Ryusa(류서). Introduction had only main preface. The books of each subject catalogued by title, the volume number, and author and arranged mainly by authors. Annotations were written consecutively after title and the volume number. In the afternote the number of not-treated books were revealed. Difference from Singdangsohyemunji(신당서예문지) were that the concept and boundary of orders became more clearer. It also wrote the number of books consecutive to main subject. 6) Modelling on Chonkyongdangsomok (경당서목), Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) was compiled in the basis of books and documents published in the Ming Danasty. In classification system, Myongsayemunji partly merged and the seperated some orders for it. It also deleted and renamed some of orders. In case of necessity, combining of orders' norm was occured particulary in the part of Sabu(사부) and Chabu(자부). Therefore these merging of orders norm didn't offer sufficient theretical background. For example, such demerits were seen in the case that historical books edited by annals were combined with offical historical ones which were differently compiled and edited from the former. In the part of Chabu(자부), it broke out another confusion that Pubga(법가), Meongga(명가), Mukga(묵가), Chonghweongka's(종횡가) thoughts were classified in the Chapka(잡가). Scriptures of Taiosim and Buddhism were seperated from each other. There were some deleted books such as Mokrokryu(목록류), Paesaryu(패사류) in the part of history (Sabu 사부) and Chosaryu(초사류) in the part of Chipbu(집부). The some in the each orders had been renamed. Imitating compiling system of Songsayemunji(송사예문지), with reffering to its differ-ence, Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) wrote the review and the change of the books by author. The number of not-treated books didn't appear at the total. It also deleted the total following main subject.

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A historical study on the flexibility square-format typeface and the prospects - Focused on the three-pairs fonts of hangeul - (탈네모글꼴에 관한 역사적 연구와 전망 - 세벌식 한글 글꼴을 중심으로 -)

  • Yu, Jeong-Mi
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.19 no.2 s.64
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    • pp.241-250
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    • 2006
  • Hangeul as the Korean unique characters were invented according to some character-making principles and based on scholars' exhaustive researches. While most of the characters in the world evolved naturally, Hangeul was invented based on a precise linguistic analysis of the time, and therefore, it is most scientific and reasonable among various characters throughout the world. Nevertheless, Hangeul typeface designs do not seem to inherit the ideology of scientific and reasonable Hangeul correctly. For the square forms have been used intact due to the influences from the Chinese characters which prevailed during the time. If a single set of square characters should be designed, as much as 11,172 fonts should be designed, which suggests that advantages of Mangeul may not well be used fully; Hangeul was invented to visualize every sound with the combinations of 28 vowels and consonants. Problems of such square fonts began to be identified since 1900's when typewriters were introduced first from the West. Since a typewriter is designed with 28 characters laid out on its keyboard by using such combinations, the letters may be easily combined on it. The so-called the flexibility square-format typeface was born as such. Specially, the three-pairs fonts of these can be combined up to 67 letters including vowels and consonants. The three-pairs fonts system can help to solve the problems arising form the conventional square fonts and inherit the original ideology of Hangeul invention. This study aims to review the history of the three-pairs fonts designs facilitated by mechanic encoding of Hangeul and thereupon, suggest some desirable directions for future Hangeul fonts. Since the flexibility square-format typeface is expected to evolve more and more owing to development of the digital technology, they would serve our age of information in terms of both functions and convenience. Just as Hunminjongum tried to be literally independent from the Chinese characters, so the flexibility square-format typeface designs would serve to recover identity of our Hangeul font designs.

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