• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.4
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• pp.89-97
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• 2016

This study looked at the sacrifice space building in the Changbai Mountain area to a specific era in terms of the cultural landscape. The scared of Changbai Mountain how changes in history came despite the regime and national change, interpretation of the reason was the scared maintained. The results of this study are as follows. First, Replacement of the regime in the Republic of China in the Qing period, ethnic diversity, underwent a cultural acceptance. So Changbai Mountain nature of sacrifice, the divine subject has formed the changes. Second, the Qing Royal sacrifice space Wangji Temple(望祭殿) have formed a unique cultural space and the sacrifice of authoritative content with only space. The Republic of China period, a new folk beliefs were born between the defense in the face of the Han Chinese migration and settlement process. Build Sacrifice space of Rulai Temple(如來寺) and Shanshenlaobatou Temple(山神老把頭廟). Third, the spatial relationship between the priest and the Changbai Mountain area Wangji Temple(望祭殿) is the power of space as vertical space. Rulai Temple(如來寺), Shanshenlaobatou Temple(山神老把頭廟) is located in the Changbai Mountain and horizontal space was obedient to the space. Fourth, the sacrifice ritual Wangji Temple(望祭殿) of the Qing Dynasty is the only ritual sacrifice of satisfaction. It is cut off depending on the abolition of imperial power. Currently, public ritual sacrifice is commonplace rituals and sacrifices of the Qing Dynasty is only formally underway. In conclusion, as it has been maintained for the sanctity historically Changbai Mountain. Changbai Mountain sacrifice space was changing through the acceptance of the replacement of the regime and culture of ethnic offerings from a single culture of the Qing Dynasty. Currently, to form a sacrifice space and culture overlap through a mutually acceptable.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.509-547
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• 2019

The cocoon breeding related national ritual ceremony exercised from the beginning time of Joseon is the 'clothing culture' that has taken its role in the ritual ceremony where it demonstrates the resolution of a state that placed importance in 'things to wear'. During the reign of King Seongjong, it enhanced the level of importance by adding the 'procedure to pick up the mulberry leaved by the queen personally'. During the reign of King Youngjo, the implication of the ritual ceremony was even more expanded that there was an new emergence of new type of national ceremony for the Joseon Era with its first ritual ceremony for woman to personally administer the memorial ceremony to the 'woman divinity' in addition to the 'Jakheonrye' procedure to personally present by the queen for the cocoon breeding. This is intended to meet the status of chingyeonguirye (farming-friendly ceremony) with King Youngjo to personally cultivate the dry field after administering Seonnongje (good harvest paying ceremony) that it is conspicuously demonstrating the importance of farming and cocoon breeding activities. As a result, the Chinjam (a type of ceremony that queen personally breeds cocoon for fabrics) related ceremonial rite that was rearranged during the reign of King Youngjo was settled into 11 ceremonial rites with the expansion of its contents. It ranges from the procedure to leave the palace for carrying out the ritual ceremony to the procedure for the crown princess and Hyebin-gung to accompany the queen, ritual for the queen to devote the Jakheonrye to exercise Chinjam, the ritual for the king to announce his royal message, johyeonui (morning assembly) exercised after completing Chinjam, it is the ritual for the queen to receive the box that contained the cocoon. This type of ritual ceremony is a significant expansion when compared with the exercise carried out earlier and it is part of characteristics displayed for ritual overhaul trend in the reign of King Youngjo. In the main procedures of these ceremonial rites, the music is accompanied and the music includes folk music, inspiration and so forth. The Chinjam related ritual ceremony in the reign of King Youngjo was established in the direction to establish it as the ritual ceremony for a woman who had the divine role of the seonjamje ritual to administer the ritual in a way of having the justification and reality to be consistent.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.229-234
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• 1996

본 연구에서는 영남지방에 소재 하는 몇몇 사찰을 대상으로 불교식 제사에 차려지는 제물을 연구.고찰하였으며, 이들을 가정에서 행하여지고 있는 유교식 제사와 비교 검토하였다. 불교식 제사의 제물은 강한 시대성을 볼 수 있어 흥미로웠다. 동물성 식품재료를 배제한 유교식 제사의 제물이 그대로 이용되고 없었으며, 더불어 사탕, 과자, 초콜릿, 카스테라, 젤리 등과 밖의 마시는 음료 즉 사이다. 콜라 등이 진설되어 있었다. 그러나, 전통 있는 사찰에서는 불단에 육법공양으로, 향 .등 .다ㆍ 화 .과 . 미(메와 떡) 등이 공양되었고, 영단에만 다섯 가지 나물과 세 가지 전, 메와 갱, 과일, 조과 등과 함께 위의 현대적 과자, 젤리, 사탕 등이 있었으나, 도시에 소재 한 사찰에서는 불단과 영단의 구별 없이 다섯 가지 나물, 다섯 가지 전, 떡(시루떡과 송편), 과일, 여러 가지 과자류와 카스테라 및 음료 등이 똑같이 진설되어 있음이 특징적이었다. 술은 정화수로 대신되고 있었다. 유교가 불교로부터 받은 영향은 향과 다의 이용을 들 수 있겠고 드물기는 하나 기일에 최대의 경건함을 나타내기 위하여 육식을 하지 않는 가정도 있어 이것은 유교에 미친 불교의 금육주의의 영향이라고 하겠다. 또한 불교가 유교로부터 받은 영향은 관음시식의 영단이라고 하겠다. 영단앞에는 사진이나 지방을 붙이고 있었으며, 유교식 제사의례인 지방을 불사르는 분축의 과정도 포함되어 있었다. 이와 같이 유교와 불교는 긴 세월을 지나오면서 서로 영향을 주고받으면서 오늘의 유교식 제사와 불교식 제사음식이 형성된 것으로 보인다.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.175-214
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• 2021

In the Joseon Dynasty, Confucian literati sacralized their daily lives through ritual practices across the three dimensions of time, place, and humanity. 1) In the dimension of time, they cultivated in their personal lives by accepting and thoroughly practicing the ethical principles of the Elementary Learning (『小學』). These practices of self-cultivation developed into ritualized practices of daily routine from the perspective of neo-Confucianism. 2) In the spatial dimension, local public schools (鄕校), local private academies (書院), and village private schools (書塾) were constructed as the symbolic places for disseminating Confucian norms through intensive seminar activities and collective learning sessions (講會). These places were also used for the pious recitations of selected Confucian proverbs that had been ritualized by Confucian literati. 3) In the dimension of humanity, pious consciousness, reinforced by the ritualized practice of periodic sacrifices or intensive reading, was subconsciously deepened and projected onto dreams individuals reported of their deceased fathers or teachers. According to the Confucian ritualization process, people were seen as being able to sanctify their daily lives by thoroughly internalizing and effectively realizing Confucian values.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.455-465
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• 2008

The data for this study were collected in a survey conducted in Ganghwa. The questionnaire was specifically designed to identify ceremonial and prohibitive foods in Ganghwa. Quantitative and qualitative data were reported as frequencies, and $X^2$ analysis was employed to assess the relationships among religious. Ceremonial foods were important on the 15th of January by the lunar calendar(87.5%), the Korean Thanks giving Day(84.4%), New Year's Day(79.8%), and the winter solstice(77.4%). A table in celebration of a baby's first birthday included baekseolgi, rice cake with Indian millet and red bean, songpyeon, injeolmi, fruits, and japchae. Women who had delivered a child ate boiled rice and seaweed soup. Birthday parties was hosted in 67.0% of the homes. The reasons for not having a birthday party were the inability to make enough time(38.2%) and difficulties with work(19.4%). Pyebaek foods were jerked beef, chicken, jujube and chestnuts. A 60th birthday anniversary was the reason for 31.4% of the respondents to eat ceremonial foods, and a Memorial Day service that carried in the eldest son was the reason in 53.4% of the families. The Memorial-Day service foods were learned by a Catholic mother(66.7%), by the husband's Buddhist mother(37.9%), or by Confucianism(54.5%)(p<0.05). Therefore, it is important to increase the understanding of celebrational foods and to enforce systematic public relations.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.253-278
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• 2008

Samkookyusa is a valuable book, which shows us ancestor's fomality, being folklorically highly evaluated. So I focus on this, look into Samkookyusa's formality especially the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship. Coming of age ceremony on Samkookyusa performed by a ruler or the nobilities whoes age are uncertainly assumed as thirteen, fifteen or eighteen. In the times, our own ways of ceremonies were performed by them. Marriage ceremony on Samkookyusa, especially king Sooro and Heohwangok's amrriage procedure shows a part of royal family's ceremony before Korea dynasty and have a precious meaning as the earliest outset. Through premarital relation between Yoohwa and Haemosoo shows that there was an non-arranged match for marriage. A record of a marriage between near relatives at the early Korea dynasty is worthy. The funeral ceremony record of king Hyeockgeose on Samkookyusa could be regarded as the first one. The record pointed that using a mound as feudal lords and king Talhae's funeral ceremony showed having Seagoljang customsand making a clay figure for the ceremony. Those facts are crucial documents as helping us understand our ancient time's funeral ceremonial customs. Ancestral ceremony on Samkookyusa, specific record about ancestral ceremony for king Sooro such as fomulas, procedures, ritual fields and foods, sanctuary and portrait is a worthful record to understand a side of national ancestral ceremony of the times. Samkookyusa is a valuable book ceremonially and folklorically to understand the ancient times' ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.146-157
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• 1999

The knowledge on Korean traditional ceremony foods was evaluated from 271 Korean American housewives residing in the New York and New Jersey metropolitan area. A questionnaire was designed to collect information on demographic background of the subject and their knowledge on ceremonial foods and table settings. Over half of the respondents considered table settings for ceremonial foods are important and most of them knew and learned Korean ceremonial foods from either their own mothers or mother-in-laws. About three-quarters responded that traditional table settings need to be simplified and half of them stated that family education is the best way of proceeding knowledge on ceremonial foods. Most of them have knowledge of table settings for a child's birthday, a baby's first birthday, a baby's hundredth day after birth, New Year's and full moon days. However, few respondents were knowledgable about other ceremonial foods. Practically, they are more likely to simplify the table setting for Korean traditional ceremonies, such as child's birthday, 60th birthday, wedding, and memorial days. The results of this study could be used to plan traditional cultural education programs for Korean immigrants in the U.S. so that they can make informed decisions in building cultural identities in the new environment.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.5-25
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• 2008

Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.