• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.10
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• pp.738-749
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• 2020

The stamp commemorating the inauguration of a president is the smallest historical symbol that contains a nation's vision and wishes of the times. The stamp itself is just a collection of images but contains the meaning of the highest leader's perceived image at the time through their face and a symbol. This paper regarded presidential inauguration commemorative stamps in the context of advertisement or promotional materials to structurally analyze the images of the political leaders embedded in stamps utilizing 'semiology' theory, which is considered to be a useful method of advertisement. In accordance with social and cultural changes, the 2000s, when the changes in the presidential inauguration stamp was most distinctively noticeable, was set as the time frame. Only the presidential inauguration commemorative stamps of Moo-hyun Roh, Myung-bak Lee, Geun-hye Park, and Jae-in Moon were selected for this study. In order to interpret the image, a semiotic structure was applied to reconstruct the meaning of the image of the political leaders. Since this can lead to subjective judgment in image analysis, it attempted to find the truth through comprehensive interpretation and approach it from the social and cultural contexts, not a static approach. In this paper, the images of the Korean political leaders in the 2000s shown on stamps are no longer influenced by traditional political factors such as political parties, political ideologies, and regional origins due to the evolution of democracy. This study derives the characteristics of the images of independent and characteristic leaders centered on a person according to the situations and social phenomena of the times.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.29
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• pp.43-71
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• 2005

The study attempts to introduce 'Gotcha Journalism' to the Korea journalism, research and analyze it. Gotcha journalism is the journalistic reporting attitude that the journalists repeatedly and intensively reports public figures, especially politicians' mistakes or happening. 'Gotcha' is abbreviation of "I got you", frequently used in the English and American culture. In order to get the goal of this study, several journalists who are currently working for Chosun, Joongang, Dong-a, Hangyore, Kyunghyang and Seoul, national covering daily newspapers. In addition, the reporters who work for KBS, MBC, and SBS were Interviewed. All journalists who have been worked more than 5 years at the politic department were selected as interviewees. Thus, Intensive interviews are prime source of this study. Based the result of the research, gotcha journalism is externally derived from obsessive interest of Korean people to politics. Internally, it is easy to report happening or mistakes rather than big argument or ideological agenda of the politicians as news for journalists and to catch readers. In addition, the competition with advertising income accelerates this situation. And gotcha journalistic reporting behavior or attitude highly relates to political propensity of the newspapers or broadcastings. Especially some of the newspapers take gotcha journalism as a political struggling tool. It is appeared that another major cause for gotcha journalistic reporting behavior is customer-driven news production.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.36-55
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• 2001

Hornblende geobarometry has been applied to estimate the emplacement depth of the Jurassic Yeongiu, Andong, and Gimcheon granites in the Yeongnam Massif. Geobarometry was determined from the twenty two samples of the Yeongiu granite, ten samples of the Andong granite and twelve samples of the Gimcheon granite, using the composition of hornblende rims coexisting with the mineral assemblage required for pressure determination. Amphibole compositions in the three granites vary from edenite to ferropargasite with the increase of pressure. According to the equation of Schmidt(1992), the pressures of emplacement of the Yeongiu, Andong, and Gimcheon granites are 5.6 to 7.9 kb, 5.5 to 7.5 kb, and 4.1 kb to 5.3 kb, respectively. The emplacement depth in the Yeongiu granites increase systematically from about 6 kb in the northwest to about 7.5 kb in the southeast. Andong granite shows no systematic change of the pressure estimates. The Gimcheon granite shows almost consistent pressure distribution. The pressure difference of about 1.5 kb across the Yeongiu granite may be explained by a model combining late postemplacement upsurge of a deeper part of the pluton in the south with tilting of the batholith by Yecheon shear zone.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.3 no.1 s.5
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• pp.105-156
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• 2003

This paper aims to explore the cause and aspect of inter-ministerial policy conflict and its coordination in science and technology policy-making with the case of science and technology basic law-making process in Korea. This law-making processes are analysed through the three periods for the last 10 years starting 1992, such as law-formulation(1st) period, interim law-making (2nd) period, and final law-making(3rd) period. Based on these steps, it tries to concretely describe the phenomenon of policy conflict and the coordination mechanism among government departments and analyses the characteristics of dynamic interaction and mutual adjustment among the related agencies. The analysis is mainly focussed on the underlying causes and determinants of policy conflict, the development and coordination process of the conflict, the strategies and logics of the conflict participants, and eliciting some policy implications for effective policy coordination among government departments. Research results are summarized as follows. First, in science and technology policy-making the main causes of policy conflict among government departments are attributed to the difference of policy-orientation and jurisdiction-orientation of each agency. During the first period, the main aspect of policy conflict was policy-oriented, during the second, the main aspects of policy conflict were both policy-oriented and jurisdiction-oriented, and during the third, policy-oriented conflict was dominant. Second, the dominant typology and strategies of policy coordination which the participants used were vertical-political and horizontal-analytic approach. During the first period, horizontal and analytical approach were used, during the second, horizontal and political approach are mixedly used, and during the third, vertical and political approach were dominantly used. Third, The Korean National Assembly and the ruling party played a pivotal role in science and technology policy-making process(the basic law-making process) in particular during the final period.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.5-40
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• 2021

This study attempts to analyze gender gaps in voter turnout for three different types of elections held since 2017 at the aggregate level using the Central Election Management Commission's turnout data, paying attention to the importance of women's voting. The findings are as follows. First, modern gender gaps in voter turnout at the aggregate level are confirmed in most regions regardless of election types. Second, the gender gap in turnout varies with age. The gender difference is verified in the "widowhood effect," where turnout decreases in the oldest-old. In the new voter group, modern gender gaps appear in most regions. The reversed gender difference in turnout in the late 20s, which reflects the Korean society's characteristics, is confirmed in all elections. Third, it is unclear whether the reverse gender gap in turnout becomes more pronounced in urbanized districts. As urbanization progressed, modern gender differences in voter turnout across age groups are observed at the population-based size level. Paradoxically, the modern gender gap tends to be weak and turns into the traditional gender gap in younger age groups (in the late thirties) in Gangnam-gu and Seocho-gu, the most modernized districts in Seoul. These results show that the modern gender gap in turnout is now a common phenomenon and continues to be strengthened by newly recruited voters in Korea. Thus we should pay more attention to female voters' political behavior and a new approach beyond the developmental theory to understand the causal mechanism to generate the modern gender gap in voter turnout.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.139-175
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• 2014

For the past 20 years, expert groups and citizens in Korea have debated on the usefulness of personalized medicine. These debates were mainly focussed on the possibility of the promise - people mainly discussed whether it was a probable future or if it was just a hype. Following Hedgecoe and Tutton(2002) who argue that it is only a 'rhetorial device', we will analyze about 9,000 news media coverages that deal with personalized medicine. With these data, we will show that the same terminology of personalized medicine have been used very differently according to the time and people who use it. Our research will show that this term has both diachronic heterogeneity and synchronic equivocality. This has happened because of the innate lack that exists in our symbolic system. Policy and governance regarding new technology is important because they provide quilting point to those slippery term/signifiant. Also we would like to carefully suggest that we might be able to call this phenomena as signifiant-politics.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.435-444
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• 2022

There are three focuses in the paper. Firstly, the study identified what channels were most viewed by YouTube users to watch the 'Daejang-dong scandal,' which was the most powerful agenda to influence the candidate preference among voters during the 20th presidential election. Secondly, the study analyzed whether the political tone of the first videos was in line with that of the subsequent videos. Finally, we compared the sentiment of comments on the first and subsequent videos. The results showed that TBS 'News Factory' and 'TV Chosun News' represented liberal and conservative factions, respectively. Secondly, the political tone of channels that were viewed subsequently was neutral, but the conservative channel users left more negative comments and that was significant statistically. In addition, about 80% of the conservative and liberal channel users shared the same political tendency with the channel they watched first, and more than 90% of the comments left at the subsequent videos in line with that of at the first news. Based on these results, the study concluded that the voters tended to seek political news that was similar with their political ideology, and it was considered a sort of echo chamber phenomenon on the YouTube. The study suggests that the performance of high-quality journalism by traditional news outlet might contribute to decrease the negative influence of political contents on YouTube users.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.391-406
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• 2024

The current distribution of digital news has the potential to produce politically biased information for users as a result of individual choices and media selection based on those choices. Consequently, this research explored the factors affecting individual news selection and the effects of opinion changes and political participation that can occur when news tailored to users' partisan preferences is recommended. The phenomenon of selective exposure has been shown to be stronger when individuals utilize more limited information processing, experience higher discussion efficacy among groups with similar political beliefs. Furthermore, When a selective exposure group was randomly provided with a one-way message news that matched their partisan leanings, it was found that opinion consolidation, opinion-reinforcing information processing, and online political participation. On the other hand, when they were randomly presented with two-way messaging news in which the media balanced two competing partisan positions, they were found to be more likely to understand the other side's views and arguments, and more willing to adjust their existing opinions. We are confirmed that the balanced use of various opinions is very important in deliberative democratic process.

• Communications of Mathematical Education
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• v.19 no.1 s.21
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• pp.25-32
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• 2005

현재 한국의 많은 대학의 수학과는 낮은 지원율 신입생 미충원 그리고 전과/편입학/자퇴 등 높은 이탈 등으로 학생자원 부족에서 오는 생존이 위협되는 위기에 처해있다. 실제로 몇 년 사이에 학생 모집이 중단됨으로서 폐과가 진행 중인 대학의 수학과가 나타나고 있다. 한국의 대학교육에서 수학과가 퇴조하는 이러한 현재 상황의 진행이 3-5년 후 대학 및 대학원의 수학전공은 어떤 상황에 있을 것인가? 학생자원 감소라는 현재의 추세가 계속 진행된다면, 대학의 학문 체계와 대학교육에서 수학의 위치 역할은 무엇을 의미하는가? 이러한 대학의 수학전공에 지원하는 학생자원 부족 문제는 진지하게 구체적으로 다루고 도전하고 해결 방안을 구해야 할 문제인가? 아니면 일시적인 퇴조 현상에 대한 기우인가?