• The Korean Journal of Mycology
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.145-160
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• 2018

Members of Chlorociboria are soft-rot ascomycetes that produce blue-green pigment. We investigated the growth characteristics of two Korean species of Chlorociboria, eight strains of Chlorociboria aeruginascens and Chlorociboria poutoensis, under various culture conditions (solid media, temperature, pH) and screened them for extracellular enzyme activity. Although the growth rate was slow, all tested strains of Chlorociboria spp. grew well on potato dextrose agar (PDA; 16.3~42.6 mm after 60 days) or Sabouraud dextrose agar (SDA), but not on malt extract agar (MEA). Compared with C. aeruginascens strains, C. poutoensis strains exhibited higher expression of blue-green pigments on both PDA and SDA media. The optimal temperature for mycelial growth was $20{\sim}25^{\circ}C$, and mycelial growth was lower at $30^{\circ}C$ than at $10^{\circ}C$. All strains tended to have increased mycelial growth as the incubation temperature increased in the range of 10 to $20^{\circ}C$. The optimal pH of potato dextrose broth (PDB) for mycelial growth varied according to the strain under static culture conditions. Maximum biomass production was obtained at pH 6.0 for NIFoS 579 ($114.3{\pm}5.1mg/60days$), but it maintained a stable pigment expression under a broad pH spectrum. The activities of both cellulase and laccase were observed in all tested strains of Chlorociboria spp. Enzyme activities of NIFoS 579 were remarkably higher than those of the other strains. From these results, we suggest that C. poutoensis NIFoS 579 is a potential candidate for use as a source of natural blue-green dye.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.274-282
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• 2002

Purpose : Measurement of transmission dose is useful for in vivo dosimetry. In this study, the algorithm for estimating the transmission dose for open radiation fields was modified for application to partially blocked radiation fields. Materials and Methods : The beam data was measured with a flat solid phantom with various blocked fields. A new correction algorithm for partially blocked radiation field was developed from the measured data. This algorithm was tested in some settings simulating clinical treatment with an irregular field shape. Results : The correction algorithm for the beam block could accurately reflect the effect of the beam block, with an error within ${\pm}1.0\%$, with both square fields and irregularly shaped fields. Conclusion : This algorithm can accurately estimate the transmission dose in most radiation treatment settings, including irregularly shaped field.

• Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.9-20
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• 1988

In order to quantify the contribution of cosmic-ray ionizing component to the dose given by natural background radiation, a series of measurement has been carried out using LiF TLDs for about one and a half years on quarterly basis. Three different types of LiF TLDs namely, chips and PTFE based disks of $^{7}LiF$, and the same disks of $^{6}LiF$ for identifying possible contribution of neutron component were used. Measurements were made by placing badge-incased TLDs in a lead castle of 10 to 15cm thick installed in a room on the third floor of a four-story building in CNU Daedeok campus for 5 cycles of 90 days. For comparison a series of spectrometric study was also performed for the energy region over 3MeV using a 3'${\phi}\;{\times}\;3$'NaI(Tl) scintillation detector in association with an MCA of 1024 channels, and it was found that the data obtained by the TLDs placed in the lead castle indicate 75% of the dose given by outdoor cosmic-ray component. The results obtained by the TLDs through correction for shielding loss show that the outdoor dose contribution of ionizing component of cosmic rays at this campus is $34.3{\pm}1.1nGy/h$ which satisfactorily agrees with that expected for our particular location of measurement.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.267-302
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• 2013

In recent years, partnership has become a central strategy for welfare provision worldwide. Particularly, civil society organisations have obtained considerable attention as the most accountable and democratic partner for public welfare delivery. Yet the mainstreaming of civil society into welfare policies challenges the conventional nature of civil society as an independent sector, and brings into critical question, how the political position of the civil society sector could be redefined in the new era of multi-sectoral partnership. The purpose of this study is to explore the current debates of state-civil society partnership and to propose three theoretical viewpoints (i.e. the mainstream, critical and alternative perspectives) regarding the role of the civil society sector in partnership. In doing so, this article introduces the key literature and scholars in partnership debates and provides analytical frameworks that researchers can use in examining state-civil society partnership cases.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.321-343
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• 2018

This paper aims to apply the convergence theory into the minimum income guarantee which forms the moral foundation of the welfare state. The research question of this paper is if the level of minimum income guarantee among EU member states (EU-15) gradually converging into a certain level. For this purpose, Chapter 2 describes the convergence and diversion of welfare states since the Second World War, and chapter 3 explains the historical development of the EU social policies since the Rome Treaty (1957). Chapter 4, which is the main body of this paper, analyzes if the level of minimum income guarantees of EU member states is converging by the coefficient of variation analysis and regression analysis. However, converging trend of the level of basic income guarantee among EU member states has not been proved. In other words, social policy arena still remains strongly in the realm of national sovereign states, irrespective of growing pressure from the supra-national governing body like the EU. It is in line with the Abram de Swaan's argument that "welfare states is nation states" (1994: 110).

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.42
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• pp.107-129
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• 2016

In modern history, there have been several kinds of continental unions or supranational politico-economic unions in the world, such as the United Nations, the European Union, the Union of South American Nations, the African Union, etc. Modern thinkers proposed many pan-isms on their continental base, for example, Pan-Arabism, Pan-Latin Americanism, Pan-Asianism, Pan-Celtism, etc. What is the most common in these pan-isms is that a continental union would be a politico-economic system to overcome the limits of the modern state-nation and to realize a long and happy relationship between member nations and continents. However, the concept of a supranational union differs from that of cosmopolitanism, in that the former presupposes the common cultural and historical heritage in the concerned region or continent. Ngugi wa Thinog'o' Pan-Africanism implies two keywords that are connected to his concepts such as 'decentralization' and 'African languages.' Pan-Africanism supposes that Africa may gain benefits from the union of African nations under the umbrella of anti-colonial efforts to down size the Euro-American influences. Moreover, using African languages enhances self-reliance and self-imagination among the African people. For in the former colonial regimes, the European colonial languages, such as English, French, or Portuguese, were central to the dissemination of European culture and modernity. Ngugi asserts that the African peripheralized languages could reinstate the African cultural heritage and propose an alternative to the Western modernity.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.111-132
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• 2018

The way of approaching 'the relationship between love and justice' varies from person to person. We can argue for superiority of love or for superiority of justice by understanding the relationship between the two as conflicting. We can also argue that we need each other by understanding each other as a complementary relationship rather than an oppositional relationship. Hegel, however, sees love and justice as independent constitutive principles valid in different areas and does not regard the two as opposing nor complementary. This can only be understood when the structure of Hegel's theory of recognition is properly assumed. The relationship between love and justice will be considered mainly in Hegel's theory of recognition. Key philosophical points of Hegel's theory of recognition and consequences drawn on the relationship between love and justice on the basis of the theory will be examined. This can be summarized in the form of a thesis, roughly as follows. - Hegel presents love, justice and solidarity, that are various forms of recognition, to a family, a civil society and a state, that are three forms of social relations, as their constitutive principles. He does not grasp the relationship between love and justice as oppositional nor as complementary, that is different from many people's general perspective on the relationship of the two. - In Hegel's theory of recognition, love and justice differ in the areas in which they are valid. Love is a valid principle in the intimacy, and justice is a valid principle in non-intimacy. So, if justice and rights are asserted in intimacy, the area of intimacy is destroyed. Conversely, if love is asserted in non-intimacy, it cannot exercise real influence. - In the political community such as a state, where intimacy and non-intimacy overlap each other, the principle of solidarity is needed as a new constitutive principle, since a state does not stand on the principle of love as in a family nor on the principle of justice as in a civil society.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.113-138
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• 2016

The purpose of this research is to establish the foundation for understanding the appearance of development, inheritance and acceptance of Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪李滉, 1501~1570)'s theory after his life by examining Udam Jeong Sihan(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)'s view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye's latter theory. After Toegye, Ido-seol was translated as 'The principle of matters reaches the human mind'. Galam Yi Hyunil(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704), the contemporary scholar with Udam, criticized this translation for applying the directivity and motility to 'Li', the immovable principle. However, Udam agreed with the conventional interpretation of Ido-seol and understood it as the consilience of mind which got the entire principle(體) of 'Li(理)' and contained the application(用) of all things. He extended this concept as the level of 'sameness between objects and self [物我爲一]' based on his former theory, the exquisite interpretation of 'application of Li'. The meaning of 'sameness between objects and self[物我爲一]' is not amalgamation but applepie order of matter's principle in mind. The Udam's viewpoint is differ from Galam who tried to overcome the structural limit of Ido-seol by transforming 'Do(到)', the predicate of 'Ido(理到)', into 'Jin(盡)'. It means that he tried to interpret 'Ido(理到)' on the more essential aspect. His view can be the useful tool for understanding the Toegye's neo-Confucianism system with 'Li(理)' as central figure. It suggested that Udam's theory of the principle and the applecation of 'Li' can be the important theory to investigate the formation of Toegye schools' though and its development.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.257-285
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• 2016

The purpose of this paper is to examine the determinants of public attitudes toward welfare spending in relation with the perception of welfare level. Data from the national survey of 'the SSK Good Government Research Unit' are used to perform a logistic regression analysis of the association between welfare attitudes and government perceptions, political orientations, and socio-economic backgrounds. The most prominent finding is that the determinants of welfare attitudes differ markedly between the two different groups of welfare perception. The empirical results say that persons living in a corrupt government tend to prefer welfare spendings despite having low level of welfare, and persons living in a unjust government tend to prefer welfare expansion because welfare level must be low. Persons living in a government of great capacity tend to have positive attitudes to welfare spending despite having a high level of welfare, whereas persons living in a government of less capacity tend to have negative attitudes to welfare expansion because the level of welfare is too high beyond government capacity. This distinction between the two perceptions of welfare level provides a systemic understanding of public attitudes toward welfare spending.