• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.289-310
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to examine how political interest, political ideologies, and information-searching goals influence the amount of information voters search, the ways in which people search for information about political candidates, and the type of information they select. The results showed that the participants under accuracy goal searched much more information and the participants under the high level of interest were not affected by conservative ideology, but the participants with the low level of interest were influenced by the liberal ideology and viewed substantially more information. And most of participants had the attribute-centered searching pattern. The social policies were accessed most, however, the information about party and personal background of a candidate were found least.

• Annual Conference of KIPS
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• 2020.11a
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• pp.761-764
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• 2020

본 논문에서는 라이프로그 데이터를 기반으로 한 행동인식 결과로부터 일상생활의 활동유형을 분석하는 기술에 대해 제안한다. 실제 일상생활 중에 수집한 가속도 센서 데이터만을 이용하여 분석한 행동인식 결과를 정적-동적 행동으로 분류된 특징 벡터로 나타내었고, 이를 클러스터링하여 6개의 대표 활동유형으로 분류하였다. 50명의 사용자 데이터를 분석하여 정적-동적 활동의 비율에 따른 활동유형을 분류함으로써 실제 라이프로그 데이터로부터 일상생활 활동유형을 확인하였다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.686-708
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• 2013

The goal of this investigation is to examine the matter as to how various cyberpolitical activities such as on-line civic participation, cyber parties, development and movement of civil society networks are appeared in cyberspace; and how political activities in cyberspace are associated with offline environment. This research was based on in-depth and open-ended interviews centering around 20s (32 interviewees) and the major results are as in the following. First, in terms of on-line civic participation, searching political issues occur in places, where internet users can access information easily relatively, and creating or reconstructing political information is identified in places giving stability or affinity to the public society. Second, even though each party's homepage for the channel of cyber parties has enough capacity as bridgespace, which takes charge of supporting f lows of people, goods, capital, and ideas, most of them don't play a role to establish virtual or real networks. Exceptively, cyber parties contribute to make temporalized places, where nobody takes the responsibility, somewhat. Third, the development and movement of civil society networks is divided into several segments according to political interests and tendency in online; furthermore, such a cyberpolitical activity influences human networks and the decision of major places for political activities in offline.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.162-173
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• 2019

The candlelight vigil is a nonviolent collective action by Koreans to communicate with the government. Although they have political goals, candlelight vigils are represented as cultural events. However, despite its importance in Korean society, it is unclear how Koreans perceive the cultural meaning of the candlelight vigil. This study, therefore, investigates the cultural meaning of the candlelight vigil, ultimately aiming to extending the framework for understanding active publics. To this end, this study conducted 47 in-depth interviews with participants of 2008 and 2016 candlelight vigils. The findings showed that the candlelight vigil has cultural meanings of festivity, humor, and self-expression. Theoretical implications of the findings and future research directions are discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.136-167
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• 2001

본 논문은 1996년 노동법 개정을 둘러싼 노동계의 총파업에 대해 보수적 성향을 갖는 조선일보와 진보적 성향을 갖고 있던 한겨레가 어떠한 방식으로 이러한 쟁점을 재현하고 해석하는 지를 분석했다. 당시의 노동계 총파업은 내부적으로는 민주화에 따른 시민사회의 성숙과 외부적으로는 글로벌라이제이션에 따른 국가 간 경쟁의 가속화라는 두 가지 정치경제학적 요인이 교차하는 공간에서 일어났으며, 동시에 광범위한 국민적 지지를 확보한 파업으로 그 상징적 의미를 갖고 있다. 이와 같이 주요 사회적 쟁점에 대한 두 신문간의 차이를 분석하기 위해 질적 분석 방법인 서사분석(Narrative Analysis)과 양적 분석 방법인 조응분석(Correspondence Analysis)을 사용했다. 서사분석은 사건의 발생과 진행 그리고 결말 과정에서 대립되는 행위자의 상징적 담론을 분석함으로써 사회적 쟁점에 대한 신문사간의 뉴스보도의 차이점 또는 유사성을 구분할 수 있으며, 조응분석은 주요 쟁점에 대해 행위자들이 어떠한 방식으로 서로 연계되는 지를 파악함으로써 역동적으로 총파업에 대한 행위자들의 관계의 변화를 공간적으로 탐색할 수 있는 장점을 갖고 있다. 서사분석 결과, 두 신문은 각각 서로 다른 서사구조를 기반으로 주요 행위자의 담론적 기호를 정반대로 구성하고 있었다. 사건 발생 단계에서는, 두 신문이 각각 국가 경쟁력 강화와 노동전 보호를 중심적인 서사구조로 설정해 차이를 보였으며, 대통령 및 여당과 민주노총이 대립적인 행위자로 설정되었다. 사건의 발전 단계에서는, 총파업의 불법성과 적법성 문제에 대한 갈등을 기본 서사구조로 제시한 채, 노동계를 포함한 시민사회와 정부기관이 대립적인 행위자로 등장했다. 사건의 갈등 해소 단계에서는 문제 해결을 위한 방법으로 두 신문이 대통령과 야당 지도자간의 정치적 해결과 노동법 통과에 대한 위헌론 제기를 중심으로 한 노동단체들의 지속적인 연대를 중심 서사구조로 각각 제시했다. 이 시기에서 주요 행위자들의 대립관계는 종료되었다. 조응분석 결과, 사건 발생과 위기 고조 단계, 그리고 갈등 해소 단계등 모든 시기에서 두 신문의 주요 행위자 구성에 있어서 차이가 나타났다. 다시 말해, 조선일보는 기본적으로 총파업을 둘러싼 문제의 구성과 발전, 해소 과정에서 정당이나 대통령, 야당 지도자 등과 같은 정치관련 행위자를 강조하고 있었다. 반면에, 한겨레는 대체로 로든 사건진행 단계에서 노동 관련 단체들과 시민단체의 역동적인 연대와 활동에 초점을 맞추고 있는 것으로 나타났다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.179-199
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• 2013

This study is aimed to draw the meaning and possibility of political participation of the SNS users through a phenomenological analysis of participation and awareness of authentication shot for vote of the users. Especially, the reason for focusing on 'SNS vote authentication shot' is because the creative imagination of the users and the meaning and possibility of collective intelligence are drew while citizens are participating in political activities for themselves. Theory resources are based on technical imagination of Vil$\acute{e}$m Flusser that is concerned with users and political practice in the New Media Era, creative imaginer and discussions of collective intelligence of Pierre L$\acute{e}$vy. Based on these theoretical discussions, it is aimed to select the SNS users experienced in authentication shot for the by-election for mayor of Seoul in 26. Oct. 2011 and to use phenomenological analysis model on materials collected after in-depth interview. The researchers take contextual circumstance into consideration for experiences of study participants sticking to SNS users' opinions and intersubjectivity and approach prejudice of their experiences to untouched structure of phenomenon and meaning. It is because a phenomenological study exploring "the own meaning of 'die Sachen'" is 'strict study' and method focusing on the political participation of SNS users itself.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.53-63
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• 2018

The traditional mass media function of conveying information and forming public opinion has rapidly changed into an environment in which information and opinions are shared through social media with the development of ICT technology, and such social media further strengthens its influence. In other words, it has been confirmed that the influence of the public opinion through the production and sharing of public opinion on political, social and economic changes is increasing, and this change is already in use on the political campaign. In addition, efforts to grasp and reflect the opinions of the public by utilizing social media are being actively carried out not only in the political area but also in the public area. The purpose of this study is to explore the possibility of using social media based public opinion in educational policy. We collected media data, analyzed the main topic and probability of occurrence of each topic, and topic trends. As a result, we were able to catch the main interest of the public(the 'Domestic Computer Education Time' accounted for 43.99%, and 'Prime Project Selection' topics was 36.81% and 'Artificial Intelligence Program' topics was 7.94%). In addition, we could get a suggestion that flexible policies should be established according to the timing of the curriculum and the subject of the policy even if the category of the policy is same.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.226-239
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• 2020

The study seeks to present ways to form and express political opinions while monitoring, regulating and critically accepting the production and distribution of false information and platforms, which are spread channels, through the participation of citizens. First, it logically identified the unfairness of legal regulations on false information. In other words, it is often practically impossible to judge whether false information is false or not, and even false information can sometimes fall within the category of freedom of expression protection. It also revealed that voluntary regulation by platform operators was limited. As an alternative, it was theoretically clear whether civil society should participate in the maintenance and development of democratic public debate sites and create social discourse. The specific method is to find and classify false information and share it with citizens to raise awareness. Second, it forms an autonomous cooperative system with platform operators and others. Third, develop critical media capacity of citizens. Fourth, it responds to producers and platform operators of false information while engaging in community activities as a direct practitioner.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.9
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• pp.433-440
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• 2018

I investigated whether network structure of legislators affects legislative performance in a cosponsorship network. I presented the theoretical basis with network closure and structural holes, and analyzed the network in the 19th National Assembly of Republic of Korea. In the directed and weighted network, each tie means that cosponsors support the bill sponsors proposed. The performance was measured by the number of initiatives and the ratio of reflected legislation, and the network structure was measured by size, density, hierarchy, and constraint. I found that the legislators with brokerage structure have a lot of initiatives in making connection with many legislators in various groups and the legislators with hierarchical structure have the higher ratio of reflected legislation with the continuous and strong support from the members of their group. I also found that the network of ruling party lawmaker is more hierarchical than the network of opposition lawmaker.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.1-14
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• 2013

The purpose of the study was investigated on that whether there was any statistical difference or not in terms of the career decision making according to the growth environment of High school students. The researcher surveyed 600 questionnaires for high school students and was using 539 questionnaires in the final analysis. They were analyzed by cluster analyses according to the growth environment scale and it classified into two cluster groups. The cluster group A and B had a significant difference on scores of the growth environment scale. The group A had more interested in activities such as political, social, intellectual, and cultural ones and participated at social and leisure activities. Moreover, the group was emphasis on moral and religious values. The group B got the higher score than group A about the score of the rational type of the career decision making: the group A got the higher score than the group B to the score of the dependent type. On the matter of the job information collection sub-scale, the group A got the higher score than the group B: the group A scored higher points than group B about the goal establishment and the self-estimate sub-scales. Therefore, in order to do the career-guidance of youths, each family had to provide positive growth environment which required various stimuli and affluent in experience settings for them to mature.