• Land and Housing Review
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.49-60
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• 2015

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un decided to open 19 Economic Development Zones which are located in all over the country, as a new economic development strategy. The strategy is estimated for accepting change from socialistic planning economic system into socialistic market economic system gradually. South Korean government is busy preparing for reunification between South and North Korea. Recently, many forums and seminars for the issue, 'reunification' are held by public side as well as private sector. This study is focused on making practical strategy for developing 13 Economic Development Zones which were established in 2013 in concurrence with South and North Korea. The study assessed investment potential of the 13 zones in terms of locational, economic and legal competency from the investor's perspective of south koreans. 5 E.D.Zs, Songrim, Hyungdong, Heungnam, Chungjin, Waudo were chosen to be developed on the preferential basis. Development cooperation between South and North Korea on the 13 E.D.Zs will increase the income of north koreans in rural areas by creating jobs, contribute to boost North Korea's economic growth, and bring forward economic integration between South and North Korea.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2019

This study examined the trends and issues of social media campaign studies from three aspects-campaign strategy, institutional environment regulating the social media, and political effect. Then, this study performed an empirical analysis on the case of the 20th general election in order to discuss the political effect, which has been analyzed the least. Specifically, this study empirically examined the trends of candidates' participation in the twitter campaign, the partial mobilization and voter response, and the platform effect on the election results. The study examined all of the candidates' twitter accounts and traffic and found the following results.-first, the number of participants in the twitter campaign increased significantly compared to the 19th general election, and the campaign was dominated by only two political parties that had more power to mobilize resources; second, it was clearly identified that twitter is a partisan media. where specifically, those in the mainstream of the Democratic Party mobilized much more supporters; and lastly, the twitter campaign has a positive impact on the increase in the rate of votes and chances of winning the election. Particularly, the number of followers and the duration of activities were found statistically meaningful, proving that promotion of networking and social capital is more important in election campaigns.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.45-72
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• 2021

North Korea's cyber capabilities represent a relatively new threat to global financial institutions and foreign governments, particularly the U.S and South Korean governments. Based primarily on publicly available sources, such as journalistic accounts and scholarly publications, this qualitative paper analyzes the ways in which North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has bolstered his country's asymmetric power and advanced his line of byungjin (dual development in the economy and military). Particularly by merging the cyber and maritime domains, North Korean operatives generate more revenue for the regime and helps keep the heavily sanctioned leadership in power. Despite the increased international attention to North Korean hackers, few analysts have examined the important role of cyber in the DPRK's internal political culture, specifically in advancing Kim Jong Un's byungjin line. Cyber fits into the DPRK's longstanding tradition of irregular warfare and guerilla-based armed struggle. Cyber also further advances Kim's personal reputation in the DPRK as an economic innovator and military strategist. This paper pays particular attention to the role of the DPRK's cyber operations in both ideological and maritime contexts. Recently, North Korean hackers have targeted South Korean shipbuilding industries and developed a blockchain scam, known as Marine Chain. North Korean cyber agents have increasingly paid attention to the nexus of cyber and maritime domains in their activities.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.129-154
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• 2010

In Post-soviet Space, particularly the Central Asian is a great turbulence region called the 'Eurasian Balkan', where diverse factors of conflict and dispute are existed. In Central Asia, a current regional security system is characterized by various multilateral cooperation relations among Central Asian nations and the world powers, such as NATO(PfP), OSCE, CIS, CSTO, CACO, SCO, CICA and so on. But nothing could obtain superiority as pan-regional security system. Unless internal problems and conflicts of the Central Asian nations be solved, security won't be assured in this region. Narrow-minded and blind realism will spread insecure region, make a lasting trouble spot in Eurasian continent. The purpose of this article is to explore significance for international relations of security system in the Central Asia. I examine general features of regional security environment formed after the Soviet Union's collapse, characteristics of multilateral cooperation related with Central Asian nations. Through consideration current situations I suggest prospects of security system in Central Asia.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.161-168
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• 2023

Recently, China-Taiwan relations are facing a crisis, and at the same time, the U.S.-China relationship and the structure of Northeast Asia are greatly shaken, so we should pay attention to changes in cross-strait relations. This study aims to predict how cross-strait relations will change after the party convention by analyzing Xi Jinping's Taiwan policy, focusing on the "Political Report" of the 20th party convention and the content analysis of leadership personnel. The results of the study are as follows. First, as the amendment to the party constitution announced after the closing of the party convention stipulates the possibility of armed invasion, Xi Jinping will implement a tough Taiwan policy emphasizing unification. Second, strategic competition with the United States will continue to intensify in the future when analyzing the contents of Chapters 2, 11, 13, and 14 of the "Political Reporting" and the personnel management of diplomatic and security leadership. As a result, cross-strait relations are expected to show instability for a considerable period of time. Third, at a time when Taiwan rejects the unification plan of "one country, two systems" and the tendency to de-Chineseize is strengthening, there is a possibility that legislation or specific enforcement ordinances will be enacted to strengthen the existing "Anti-Secession Law." Fourth, it is expected that strong and warm two-sided strategies will be used together, such as taking a strong response to external forces interfering with the Taiwan issue and Taiwan independence forces, and using incentives for the Kuomintang(KMT) and Taiwanese who are friendly to unification.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-27
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• 2014

This paper aims at exploring the multi-scalar processes through which the Gumi Industrial Complex was developed in the late 1960s and the early 1970s. Existing studies, influenced by the "Developmental State Thesis", tend to see the industrialization processes of South Korea either by focusing on the socio-politico-economic processes at the national scale or in terms of the plan rationality of the national bureaucrats. This paper, however, denies this perspective on the basis of the strategic relational approach to the state and the multi-scalar perspective. In particular, it argues that the state actions for national industrialization have been the outcome of complex interactions, conflicts and negotiations among social forces, acting in and through the state, and at diverse geographical scales. This paper attempts to empirically prove this argument on the basis of a case study on the construction processes of Gumi Industrial Complex. The development of Gumi Industrial Complex cannot be solely explained in terms of either the plan rationality of the national bureaucrats or the political motivation related to the fact that Gumi was the hometown of President Park Jung-Hee. This paper argues that the development of Gumi Industrial Complex was heavily influenced by the role of the following actors; place-dependent local actors in Gumi and the multi-scalar agents, such as the Korean-Japanese businessmen and the national parliament members elected in the Gumi electoral district.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.231-252
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• 2008

This study is to investigate on focus of his political position change to build up his the real form about Park je sang(朴堤上) who had taken an active part within Shila nulgi king(訥祗王) period on base of previous park je sang' study results. that is, this study took attention about excellent capability by diplomat who had shown his diplomatic ability in complicated and international fields of three countries, and about process of entrance on central political fields by private capability in sap lang(?良) district in relation with building up the real form of park je sang. As result, by means of few investigations about park je sang who had taken an active part, we looked into process how local power man in sap lang(?良) district had built up his position to jin-gol(眞骨) status with strategic location of sap lang(?良) district on shila history within Shila nulgi king period. I think that we found valuable means from figures of a district society in process how Shila had grown with a country of centralizing power.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.289-319
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• 2019

Kim Chan-sam's 『世界一周無錢旅行記』 was released in 1962. This was a time when the general public was strongly restricted from traveling abroad. Most of the people lived in 'domestic'. Low development and political upheaval continued. The readership wanted a fantasy, which came out of a desire to escape from the peninsula. So was to become more popular around the popular characters called 'Kim Chan-sam'. Kim Chan-sam had to be a pushover to the public. This figure had to be secular and de-politicized. Above all, ideological bias had to be removed. The book's imaginary geography is the "world as a non-communist state" with a high purity. The Cold War ideology was prevalent throughout South Korean society. Kim Chan-sam knew exactly what he could and could not tell the South Korean reader. He couldn't tell you the reality of my readers not being able to travel abroad. Not to mention a society locked up 'domestic' on the Korean reality. The study analyzes Kim Chan-sam's storytelling strategy. Looking at the meaning of the travel fantasy,agenre of the 1960s, I would like to ask why travel writing in our time is still bound by its past limitations.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.89-130
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• 2018

This paper is to analyse the development of the U.S.-China relationship and pending issues and implications. To this end the paper is composed of 6 chapters titled instruction; the relationship between the US and China in the early and hostile confrontation period; the relationship of US-Chinese approach/normalization period and the relationship in the 1980s and 1990s; the relationship by mid-2010 since the opening of the G2 era; the US-China relations and major pending issues and implications in the era of Trump-Xi Jinping; and conclusion. The rapid growth of China over the past three decades has changed the existing US-centered international order and has triggered competition between the two countries. The United States and China have become the only countries that regularly hold strategic and economic dialogue, and the topic has also developed into a country that discusses not only bilateral relations but also global issues. The issues of US-China cooperation and conflicts encompass global issues as well as bilateral relations issues. For example, the South China Sea, the North Korean nuclear issue and the THAAD, the economic and financial order, and the Taiwan issue. It is not a matter of another country, but a problem that directly or indirectly leads to Korea's diplomacy, security and economy. In order to prevent 'Korea passing' in the US-China relationship, we need a hedging strategy that maintains and strengthens the strong ROK-US security cooperation and harmonious promotion of ROK-China economic cooperation.