• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.28-51
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• 2012

This study explored the influence of media use on the audiences' intention to vote as well as their political cynicism in 2012 General elections. I offered three research questions: Research Question 1: What is the impact of media use on the political cynicism? Research Question 2: What are the impact of political intersest, political knowledge, media malaise, political efficacy on the political cynicism? Research Question 3: What is the impact of political cynicism on vote behavior? This study analysed survey data. Based on the results of hierarchial regression analysis and path analysis(AMOS), Internet news use was found to have a significant impact on the political cynicism. But the use of newspaper, TV news were not related to political cynicism. The political efficacy decreased political cynicism effectively, The findings from this study indicate that the relationship between media use and political cynicism is contingent on many factors and that cynicism has a negligible impact on citizen participation. This study also found that persons higher in efficacy were less cynical than low in efficacy. This suggest that cynicism is not always bad thing, that it may in fact be an indication of "an interested and critical citizenry". In conclusion this study showed that we need more in-depth analyses on the relationships among attention to media use, political cynicism and voting behavior to activate political participation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.147-177
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• 2017

Although a number of empirical studies found that political ideology plays a significant role in Korean elections, they entirely rely on cross-sectional data analysis. In contrast to previous research, this study investigates the effects of ideology in the 2012 Korean presidential election through standard panel data analysis. Specifically, using "EAI Panel Study, 2012", the effects of ideology on both candidate evaluation and vote choice were examined via fixed effects, random effects, and pooled regression analysis. And the results from applying the two most popular models of ideological voting, the proximity model and the directional change model were also compared. The results show that candidate evaluations and vote choice during the election (April, 2012- December, 2012) were significantly influenced by the ideological difference between voters and candidates, independent from partisanship and other standard socio-demographic factors. And this ideological voting during the election seems better captured by the directional change model than by the proximity model.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2017.11a
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• pp.81-109
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• 2017

본 연구는 Kingdon(1984)과 Howlett(2014) 모델을 결합한 수정모델을 적용하여 국제과학비즈니스벨트의 정책결정과정을 분석하였다. 그 과정에서 어떠한 사회 정치적 요인들이 영향을 미쳤는지에 대해 알아보고 향후, 국제과학비즈니스벨트 사업과 거대기초과학 정책 추진방향을 모색하고자 하였다. 구체적인 분석은 정책결정과정을 정책의재, 정책형성, 정책집행의 단계로 구분하고, 문제 과정 정책 정치의 흐름과 창, 정책선도자를 변수로 활용하였다. 분석결과, 정책결정과정에서 정치의 흐름과 정책선도자의 역할이 중요하게 작용하였고, 과학자 집단보다는 정치가들과 정부 관료자들이 주도적으로 참여하였으며 그 과정속에서 정치적 혼란을 겪으며 급진적으로 진행되었다는 점을 알 수 있었다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.48-58
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to identify the effects of perceptions of organizational politics(i.e., POPs) and leader-member exchange(i.e., LMX) on the perceived work performance. Also, this paper investigates the moderating effect of LMX on the relationship between POPs and work performance. Particularly, this study is to expand on prior research by investigating the three-way interaction effect of LMX and self-efficacy. The summary of results based on a sample of 280 employees who were working in various organizations in KOREA is following. First, POPs were not significantly related to perceived work performance. Second, LMX was positively and significantly related to perceived work performance. Third, LMX did not moderate the negative relationship between POPs and perceived work performance. Finally, our results showed that for individuals with a high level of self-efficacy, LMX moderates the negative relationship between POPs and perceived work performance. That is, for individuals with a high level of self-efficacy, POPs were positively related to work performance under high LMX(in-group), but were negatively related to work performance under low LMX(out-group). Theoretical and practical implications of our findings as well as directions for future research are provided.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.227-231
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• 2024

This study purports to examine the potential effects of welfare attitudes of Korean people upon their political orientation. The 17^th Korea Welfare Panel Data(KWPD) in 2022 are used for this purpose. Independent variable include sex, age, education, interest in politics, and employment status. Discriminant analysis show several results. First and foremost, pre-established discriminant function works well for classification of respondents' liberal vs conservative stance. Secondly, except gender and dummy variable for temporary employed, all independent variables contribute significantly for the classification at a given significance level. . Finally, welfare attitudes of respondents', measured by universalism vs selectivism and the attitudes upon increasing tax for welfare expenditures are found to be significant and relatively big impacts upon dependent variable, compard to other variables in the model. The nature of causal relationship between welfare attitudes and political orientation remains for further study.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.203-224
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the budget allocation of Busan-Gwangyang port and political variables such as general election, presidential election, local election and political regimes. To do this, this study did correlation analyses using budget data of all ports in Korea, Busan, and Gwangyang during 1985-2007. The main results of the correlation analyses are as follow: First, there was a positive correlation between budget of Busan and local election. Also, there was a positive correlation between budget of Gwangyang and presidential election. This results suggest that public choice model and political business cycle model seem to apply to the port development policy. Second, there was no correlation between the regionalism of the political regime and budget of Busan-Gwangyang ports. Third, it can be inferred that the national agenda of the hub strategy can be positively related to the implementation of port development budget. Further studies are needed to analyse the relationship between the political variables and establishment of port plan, decision making about port development and ground-breaking of port construction.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.73-95
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• 2015

This research has a purpose to verify whether the Internet diffusion through the Official Development Assistance (ODA) can bring about democratic changes in authoritarian political system of developing countries. This research has found out that IT ODA has 'positive(+)' effect on the Internet diffusion in recipient countries. It seems to support the expectation of donor countries that they can lead the political democratization by constructing infrastructure and promoting the use of the Internet. However, as the impact of IT ODA on the Internet diffusion is not considerable as well as the Internet diffusion has no strong influence on the development of democracy in developing countries, and also each of these aspects of countries looks different, it is hard to see that the democratization hypothesis based on the optimistic technological determinism is reasonable. Therefore, this paper argues that IT ODA must be based on not blind optimism that IT transfer will lead to the political democratization in developing countries, but the social structuralism which is based on distinctiveness and uniqueness of countries. and suggests that the discuss of the effect of IT ODA proceed with the constructive way.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.73-107
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• 2016

The general programming channels, newly introduced around the beginning of the 2010s, have grown into powerful journalistic agencies, the far-reaching social influences of which are not confined by the economic effects within the South Korean media industry. They are now rendered to become part of major socio-political institutions that try to secure their privileges based on broadcast journalism, and to widen their business opportunities through those special kind of social practices. This research has taken a path of theoretical endeavour to devise a conceptual framework that will effectively lead to a series of academic investigation into the socio-political characteristics of general programming channels. To this end, specific attention is paid to such theoretical and conceptual resources as the instrumentalization of media by the politics, the political sociology of media power, media-political parallelism, and the structural coupling between the political and the media systems. This paper suggests that general programming channels have emerged as a new interface that accommodates and actualizes the structural coupling between the two societal subsystems, and in the course of that, they undercut the vulnerable basis of media public sphere, effectively replacing it with entertaining media-political sphere constructed and managed by themselves. This sphere is where the media system's logic and the poltical system's logic are intertwined, simutaneously accelerating not only the mediatization of the politics but also the politicization of the media.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.344-355
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• 2021

As the voting age has been lowered to 18 from the 21st general election on April 15, 2020, the use of political news, motivation for political interest, and reliability of political media of first-time voters were examined. Accordingly, we analyzed how their political efficacy affects their voting intentions. As a result of the study through the survey of participants, the use of political news by voters was to acquire political information mainly through TV and portals. And the use of traditional media such as radio and newspaper was low. first voters became interested in politics through articles delivered by the media, and it was found that they trusted the political information provided through terrestrial TV reports and debates. This generation also confirmed that if they have higher political efficacy, they show higher willingness to participate in voting. Through this study, in order to increase the political participation of the younger generation who are evaluated as having relatively low interest in politics, the role of the media was reconfirmed as the most important factor.