• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.42
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• pp.125-150
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• 2016

In the 2000s, Korean cinema maintained the industrial growth on the strength of 10 million audiences and the successful Korean blockbuster. A variety of film materials such as history, politics, social issues, and the division between North and South Korea ideology were addressed in the movies, and one of the movies based on a true story was popular. Accordingly, external size of the film industry has been gradually expanding. Korean public movies have a firm position in the film market, and a diversity of discussion is made as the movies spontaneously get attention. Also, the influence of social media and media which recognized far-reaching powers of public films causes a political and social change, but it also provokes ideology controversy. Objectivity of this study is first to discuss factors and initiating causes that Korean movies have firmly settled as public movies since late 1990s. Secondly, this study considers relation among media, social media. and Korean public film that aroused more arguments on politics, society, and history in 2000s. The powerful influence of films on society not only leads political change but also affects awareness change of audience and the role of social media.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.61-84
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• 2023

In this paper, I tried to clarify the background of the strengthening of centralization in the central-local relations during the Xi Jinping period in terms of the institutional structure of elite politics through a comparative study of the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, the highest power body, during the time of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Compared to the Hu Jintao period, it is judged that the strengthening of centralization in the Xi Jinping era is being implemented not through the neutralization of institutionalized formal construction norms, but through the expansion of control within the norms. In other words, the institutionalized frame itself was not broken in the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, and local compliance with the central government centered on the general secretary was increased by exercising the right to control personnel more strongly.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.109-134
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• 2009

This study explores the political parody, which has become an active art form in order to express Korean Internet users' political practices, especially, during the politically turbulent periods from the presidential election of 2003 to the recent candlelight vigil protest of 2008. This study investigates the rise and fall of a parody culture by online users from the mid-2000s, and also examines aesthetical aspects of parodic artworks relying on amateurism culminated in 2004. Specifically, the current study questions an aesthetical lack shown in 'appropriation', by which most of the online users simply produce imitations of original image. This study rather notes 'photomontage' as an aesthetic prototype, the political aesthetics made by John Heartfield, through which this study intends to observe how his aesthetical legacy of political art could be realized in the contemporary form of political parodies produced by online users. The present paper concludes that online users' political participations in producing critical works of art could allow us to negate the dichotomy between the elite and the mass, professional artists and amateur parodists, and a radical politics and the politics of style.

• The Journal of Society for e-Business Studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.173-187
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• 2012

As newspapers which have been major news media are being replaced by on-line news media in recent years, many researchers are paying attention to "comments(news users' short remarks on an article)", a newly emerged way of forming public opinion. This study is examining how the similarity between political disposition of on-line news visitors and that of news media impacts upon their evaluation on quality of comments from the viewpoint of 'social identity theory.' This study may have academic significance because it inspected the pattern of media usage and the cognition of comments in relation to political disposition for the first time and showed 'comments reading' and the function of comments to form public opinion(comments journalism).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.335-358
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• 2008

Hosan Park Moon Ho lived in the truly eventful era with keen competition of western powers, invasion of Japan, Confucianism based Movement against Western Power, Volunteer Army Movement against Japanese and etc. Therefore, his learning and idea could not help being related with such difficult environment of his country. Especially, his idea is directly related with such historical environment of his era in terms of his claims as follow: He thought that Christianity destroyed Korean traditional idea and good customs; he claimed that the nation should subdue the betrayers who were at the Japanese side and be revenged on the murder of the empress Myeongseong; and he advocated his own theory for civilization that the nation should be strictly against the imperial invasion of western powers but work for GaeMulSeongMu(開物成務: Achieving Everything through Enlightenment on Meaning of Everything) and HwaMin SeongSok(化民成俗: Forming Beautiful Customs by Educating the People). The problem that should be urgently solved that time was, first of all, to repel the invasion of Japan and western powers and to realize Confucianism based political ideal by scheming political and social stability and saving the people's livelihood from distress through such repelling.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.359-382
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• 2014

This paper is an essay on Chaekmun(Answer papers of official examination in Pre-modern period). Especially I tried to point out the possibility of practical use in the field of politics. For this purpose, I analyzed an examination paper written by Lee Ga-hwan, and the title is "a debate about construction of the Miang palace". Exquisite writing skill is also important in Chaekmun, but it is not everything. The subject of Chaekmun concerns various fields such like politics, economy, society, culture, and history. So that writers should have sufficient knowledge and opinion. The King, as an examiner, wants to test retainers' ability both in writing and politics. In this paper, I focused on using in field of politics between the King and the retainers. And as an good example, I analyzed a paper which dealt the event of building huge palace named Miang palace. That is because the King reflects his concerns by setting exam questions. And his concerns also could not be free of contemporary political conditions. Therefore we should be careful of reading those articles. Regarding this, Lee Ga-hwan's article had a distinctive characteristic. Unlike any other articles dealing with same event, he tried to access through creative point of view. And his thought were much close to the King's heart.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.209-220
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• 2017

This study explores what are the factors which influence the perception of press professionalism and fairness of journalist in the process of their news production. This study focused on how the difference between mainstream media and online media, the political tendency and the degree of freedom during working effected on the judgement of the freedom of press based on the model of Shoemaker and Reese' hierarchical model. As a result, Research finding is as follows: First, online media journalist evaluated the fairness of press higher than offline media journalists. Second, the consistency of political tendency of offline media is different from online media. Online media journalists evaluated the fairness of the press higher than offline media journalists. Finally, the degree of freedom during performance is the most importance factor which affects the evaluation of press fairness. This study highlights the factors which influence the perception of journalists on the quality of the press based on the survey data which have conducted by Korean press foundation This study implicates how working environment is importance in journalist's writing as a journalist. The freedom of press is very important in the process of news production because the factors which influence the evaluation of the fairness and the professionalism of press reveals the quality of press.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.91-118
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• 2016

As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election (GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-${\grave{a}}$-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a "fixed deposit"state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election.