• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.1-39
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• 2013

Considering the relationship between state-owned enterprise (SOE) CEOs and political circles, this study examines the performance impacts of CEO's succession type, board chair separation, and industry expertise and finance expertise of CEOs and outside directors. I propose the definition of political independence in SOE CEOs based on the independence in appearance that might affect general people's perception. It means that there are no relationships or circumstances that might affect SOE CEO's judgment, activity, and report. The definition is able to overcome the limitations of the prior research that could not discover the CEOs who were affiliated to political circles because the research just distinguished the CEOs following their pre-jobs. This study focused on the performance impacts of political independence impaired CEO as well as the CEO's impacts on the relationship between the performance and other corporate governance variables. I selected as dependent variables the average return on asset as operating income divided by total assets and the average customer satisfaction rate evaluated by Korean government during the first three years following the year of the events of explanatory variables. My theory and evidence from the various CEO's personal background and financial information from SOEs in Lee Myung-bak Administration and Rho Moo-hyun Administration suggest the following important things. First, the analysis based on whether or not a SOE CEO keeps political independence shows that a political independence impaired CEO made a significantly negative impact on customer satisfaction rate. Second, the separation between a board chair and a CEO in SOEs introduced by Korean Act on Management of Public Institutions made a significantly positive impact on customer satisfaction rate. However, the positive impact of the board chair separation was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Third, outside director's industry expertise made a significantly positive impact on return on asset. However, the positive impact of the outside director's industry expertise was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Fourth, the comparison between Lee Myung-bak Administration and Roh Moo-hyun Administration on the corporate governance and performance of SOEs shows that the ratio of political independence impaired CEO was significantly higher in Lee Administration and the ratio of outside director's industry expertise and finance expertise were respectively significantly higher in Roh Administration. Based on these results, I suggested a few policy alternatives for CEO's improved political independence and requirements for executive's expertise in SOEs.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.549-566
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• 2008

This study examines the effect of social conservative values that have risen as an important factor in American politics. Focusing on the abortion issue, it discusses how the abortion issue has affected American voters' issue and party preferences and their ideological orientations. The empirical results demonstrate that the abortion issue has contributed to reinforce the existing ideological and partisan divisions, although it has not realigned them. As a consequence, the abortion issue has become a significant determinant for vote choice since 1980s. Particularly in 1990s, when the polarization among the political elites became clear, the political effect of the abortion issue appears to be more evident.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.300-314
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• 2018

This study, expending the existing concept of hostile media perception to biased media perception, empirically examined the effects of TV audience's political disposition(liberal, neutral, conservative) and broadcasting company's political disposition perceived by the audience(liberal, neutral, conservative) on evaluations of the broadcasting channel(interestedness, diversity, creativity, reliability, usefulness, fairness, public interest). With the nationwide online survey data from 624 adult audiences, a broadcasting company evaluated as the most neutral in political disposition at the moments of data gathering was selected and respondents' evaluations of the broadcasting channel were analyzed in a two-way factorial multiple analysis of covariance(MANCOVA). The results showed that the perceived political disposition of the broadcasting company affects audiences' evaluations of the channel while audiences' their own political dispositions do not. In addition, due to the interaction effects between audience's and broadcasting company's political dispositions, congruency in political dispositions led to positive evaluations(congenial media perceptions) while incongruency led to negative ones(hostile media perceptions). Based on these results, theoretical and empirical implications were discussed in terms of the formation of attitudes toward TV broadcasting channels.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.69-81
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• 2021

Pakistan is a South Asian auspicious developing country. Based on the corruption perception index report 2020 by transparency international, Pakistan has ranked 124 with total scores of 31 globally and 188 ranks with a score of -2.25 in terms of political stability ranging from 0 (lowest) to 100 (highest). More crucially, the inflow of foreign direct investment toward Pakistan has declined between 2008 and 2019. Though political instability and government corruption have both positive and negative linear relationships with foreign direct investment, we tested the moderating impact of government corruption between political instability and inward foreign direct investment over time. We also tested the relationship between political instability and inward foreign direct investment in different phases of political regimes in the same country. Our results suggested that authoritarian regimes attracted more inward foreign direct investment than that during democratic periods of government. Furthermore, we found that there was low inward foreign direct investment when government corruption was high in the country. However, government corruption weakened the positive relationship between political instability and inward foreign direct investment (FDI).

• 한국노년학
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.563-578
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• 2009

Public pension system of western welfare states has been maintained by transfers of public resources between working-age population and old-age population. But population aging cause the problem of fiscal burden on pension financing, so cutback on public spending for the elderly has been on the issue at public agenda. The argument on public spending for the elderly is more aggressively proceeded in the United States than any other welfare states. The argument is concerned with the problems of generation and is going under the rhetoric name of 'Generational Equity' which contends unequal distribution of social resources such as federal budget within generations. This article analyzes the background of 'Generational Equity' perspective and the reason why that argument is actively going forward in the U. S. and political-economy context of that argument. Generational Equity perspective contends that the elderly are getting more benefits and high spending on the elderly has contributing to the rising poverty rate of children. But there are lots of objection to this perspective on the ground that the perspective has weak positive evidences. The reason that 'Generational Equity' perspective has the power only in the U. S. but other welfare states is mainly due to that pluralistic political regime and selective welfare system. This research presents that political-economy meaning of 'Generational Equity' perspective is related to the political regime and welfare system of the society itself. And this research has the implication that our society having a selective welfare system would take a risk of encountering 'Generational Equity' social debate in the near future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Fisheries and Ocean Technology
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.8-14
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• 1995

The behaviour of large school of sardine Sardinops melanosticta in and around the set-net were analyzed from sonar image recordings. The survey was conducted at Kishihata set-net in Japan from January 29th to February 22th 1992. The results obtained are summarized as follows ; 1. When large schools of sardine moved along the outside of the set-net. the shape of the school gradually changed, that was the front part extended forward in the direction of movement and the rear part concentrated in the same direction such that the school retained its original shape. 2. When large school of sardine entered the main-net of the set-net. the school was decentralized directly to the slope-net. to the central part. and to the opposite side, and then the fish school was concentrated as it moved directly to the slope-net. 3. When the size of the front part of the fish school enlarged. the maximum recorded moving speeds were 176cm/sec and 277cm/sec for schools inside and outside the set-net, respectively.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.309-318
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• 2017

This study is for analyzing the tone, the frame and the characteristics of political news in social media. Social news media is not same as old media in sharing news freely by SNS like tweeter, facebook and reporting, editing by anyone using SNS with various opinions. With Content analysis, sampling 419 cases from 'Wikitree' by the keyword, 'presidential election', all the full text analysed each how is social media making public opinion differently and which frame is using in. As the result, the social media has different tone, frame, and characteristic due to the reported figure, type of report, information source, attitude to the government, specifically shows a lack of in-depth report and distinct soft-journalism just same as old media's. Because the tone of social news media is not probable, specific but improbable, vague, using the irrational, strategic and episodic frame mainly.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.107-127
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• 2021

This study examines the effect of general corporate employees' perception of organizational politics, which is widespread and negatively perceived in Korean companies, on their reaction behavior. In particular, the mediating effect of cynicism and the moderating effect of commitment was analyzed. As a result of the analysis, it was confirmed that organizational political perception had a positive effect on cynicism, and cynicism had a significant effect on exit, loyalty, and neglect. In addition, the moderating effect of commitment between cynicism, exit, and neglect was confirmed. Through this study, it was demonstrated that the higher the organizational political perception, the higher the cynicism and the negative reaction behavior. It was intended to suggest the organizational system improvement and the importance of human resource management through it.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.41-77
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• 2021

It has been 20 years since the gender quota system for expanding women's political representation was enacted. However, the proportion of Korean women's representatives has not exceeded 20 percent. This study examines how the gender quota system, public funding for women candidates, and public funding for women's development, which are the three pillars of the legal system to expand women's representation, have changed systematically over the past 20 years, how they affected women's representation, and what institutional limitations they have. In addition, it explores the im/possible conditions of reforms for expanding women's representation. To reform the legal system for women's representation, it is necessary to understand that Korea's political system is arranged in a gender-based way in a male-dominated structure, while also understanding that the existence of critical actors and mass driving reforms for gender equality in politics is essential.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.5-34
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• 2009

Why the Korea National Assembly shows often limping in its operations despite the introduction of various democratic legislative rules? Regarding the question, this article pays attention to the institutionalization of legislative rules and political saliency of bills, and analyzes the Constitutional Court's law reports. According to the analysis, the National Assembly goes on smoothly when dealing with the bills with low political saliency, but shows anomaly in its operation when dealing with the bills with high political saliency. This indicates that the institutionalization of the legislative rules is relatively low. The low level of the institutionalization is derived fundamentally from a distinguishing characteristic of the power structure in which political power is too much concentrated on the president. Within the power structure, the ruling party has to play the role of protecting and advocating the president, whereas the opposition parties become actors criticizing and checking the president. Consequently, the parliamentary decision-making processes have been dominated by the political strifes between the ruling and opposition parties, often producing limping operations of the National Assembly and delayed institutionalization of the legislative rules.