• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.61-84
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• 2023

In this paper, I tried to clarify the background of the strengthening of centralization in the central-local relations during the Xi Jinping period in terms of the institutional structure of elite politics through a comparative study of the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, the highest power body, during the time of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Compared to the Hu Jintao period, it is judged that the strengthening of centralization in the Xi Jinping era is being implemented not through the neutralization of institutionalized formal construction norms, but through the expansion of control within the norms. In other words, the institutionalized frame itself was not broken in the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, and local compliance with the central government centered on the general secretary was increased by exercising the right to control personnel more strongly.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.36-72
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• 2016

Comprehensive Cable TV Channels(CCCs) has been established as a political product around 5 years ago, and it's influence and position on the broadcasting field are keep increasing. CCC's stabilization is based on flooding the market with journalism. The repeating news and current affairs programs are appearing constantly in the afternoon which is CCC's primetime. The current affairs talk shows are a product of CCC's representative program type and it leads unique CCC style journalism. The guests of the current affairs talk show leading the program with critiques(comments) and discussions about political issues. The purpose of this study is to explore how these guests of the current affairs talk shows conceptually positioned as political mediating elites and same time to explore the television political landscape through the representative current affairs talk shows from TV chosun, Channel A, MBN, JTBC which are present by these political elites. This study wants to find out about that television political effects from CCCs which exemplified into certain directions by these political mediating elites saying their political biases and expresses their feelings drastically that causes high ratings and brings people's attention. The guests who called political mediating elites in this study are mostly considered to be extreme rightist, conservatives, conservative-centrist and they have close relationship with certain political party or political group. The political mediating elites gain the popularities and have great influence on the public from performing the television politics through CCCs' current affairs talk shows and use that to make political exchange connections with political groups. Therefore this study wants to point out that CCCs' current affairs talk shows are situated in political rally, exchange connection, so current affairs talk shows are existing only for political battle field.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.43
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• pp.43-70
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• 2015

The value and validity of elite oral materials have been questioned because of their gaps with 'fact'. The purpose of this article is to analyze these gaps and to propose some solutions that can reduce the gaps. According to the analysis of this article, there are three types of the gaps that qualitatively differ from each other. The first type of the gaps is produced in the process of generation of memory. This type is made because informants cognize and memorize the facts that exist outside themselves. Selective cognition, selective memory and individual experience come under this category. The second type is produced in the process of preserving the memory. Forgetting and memory transformation are main examples of this type. The third type is produced in the process of the interviews with the informants. False statements or lies fall into this category. The main conclusions are as follows. 1) all gaps in oral materials are not necessarily negative. It is because Some of these gaps- the first and the second type- are not only parts of the real world but also very useful for interpreting the world. 2) The third type of the gaps are very harmful and it is need to be eradicated or reduced. For this, this article proposes some solutions.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.169-196
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• 2024

In the House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan, which members are re-elected several times, while others are only first-term? Existing studies on the Kazakhstan political elites have mainly discussed the effect of clans on the appointment or replacement of elites. These studies have contributed to explaining the characteristics of Kazakhstan's clientelistic political structure, but the analysis of the relationship between political background and elite appointment or replacement is very poor. The purpose of this study is to analyze what characteristics of members have continuity in the 4th to 8th House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan. As a result, members with activities in Communist Party of the Soviet Union had a higher average seniority than those who did not in the 4th, 6th, and 7th House of the Parliament. And Nur Otan members had a higher average seniority than those who did not in 4th and 5th House of the Parliament. On the other hand, there was no difference in average seniority by local political experience, and the difference by elite type was only partially found in the 6th House of the Parliament. These results reflect the president's strategy for parliamentary control in that the parliament is used as a means of solidifying Kazakhstan's political regime as an authoritarian state. The significance of this study is that for the first time it empirically proved who sustains political survival in the House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.77-106
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• 2010

As for the matter of guardianship-benefit network which has been at the heart of the discussion of power elites and clan politics in Kazakhstan, it has been often maintained that it is basically formed by the framework of the regional and descent connection net called Zhuz or at least it has been heavily under Zhuz's influence. But it is pointed out that the controversy of Zhuz suffers from a lot of limitations in explaining the surface of power elites in the recent process of political changes and the rearrangement of power relations. Consequently, this paper tried to take a closer look at the matter focusing on the social backgrounds of elites from Junior zhuz, who have been estimated to be relatively pushed back in terms of the advancement into the central power. As a result, it was found that the backgrounds of clan and tribe origin within Zhuz couldn't have any foundation to be seen as a decisive element through which they could grow into power elites. The phenomenon of Kazakhstani elites is a legacy of concrete historic situations. The important consideration points for analyzing the emergence of elites which could be applied to a nomadic and traditional society can hardly be an invariable framework for analyzing modern elites since independence. Since 2000, Kazakhstan has experienced economic changes including privatization due to the absolute strengthening of presidential influence which turned into a foundation for a new authoritarian system, the rearrangement of the inner circle of power, and their decisions. These changes in situations have had profound effects on the character of power elites. The phenomenon that clandestine connections have shown their appearances as they have gotten intertwined with various factors, in particular, in the economic field which has been heavily under Junior zhuz makes us convinced that the elite organization in Kazakhstan has always been the product of political and economic changes. In reality, the behaviors of elites were the outcome continuously reflecting environmental situations surrounding them, and those situations lie in a complicated and multiple-layered connection net. Therefore, it is believed that having interests in elites' social backgrounds and maintaining many pieces of information on them will be able to be a more useful approach to analyzing the elite society in the future in that interests in their social backgrounds become an informant of various network formation nets which reflect real situations.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.1-25
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• 2010

This paper explains how the political elites limit peruvian politics after independence, through examining the historical origin of elites, the formation of the dominant elites and their politicization in Peru, 1824-1919. In detail, the first section of this paper examines theoretical concepts and the political economic conditions of elites. The next part explores the emergence of the dominant elite group and their politicization, which is focused on economic incentives and conditions in the Guano era. Finally, this paper suggests that peruvian elite group after independence is politically motivated by the direct control of economic resources and maximized privilege in distributions of economic benefits. Furthermore, these features provided the archetype of the Peruvian politics, such as the pre-modern oligarchy and the military intervention.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.7-43
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• 2023

This study examines and identified a series of strategies of Russia's political elites to maintain and strengthen their dominance by reviewing the case of revisions in the election laws of Russia in 2014. At that time, a mixed-member electoral system was newly introduced, and on the surface, it seemed that the new system was a step toward meeting the demands of the people for "enhanced democracy". However, in 2016 and 2021, the ruling party of Russia won the general elections by making the most of the factors that could distort the election results inherent in the mixed-member electoral system. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze whether the revision of election laws was a mere vehicle used by the ruling party, United Russia, to maintain its political power, or whether it was a leap forward to achieve democracy. The study result indicate that the revision of election laws in 2014 was part of the policy responses to the internal conflicts in the circle of Russia's political elites, which had been rising since 2008, as well as to the public resistance. In other words, it was confirmed that the revision of election laws was one of the measures taken to "minimize competition" and "reproduce political power on a stable basis".

• 인삼약초
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• v.3 no.6 s.10
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• pp.30-35
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• 2005

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2001.04a
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• pp.37-57
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• 2001

Much effort has been made to measure regional difference showing the pattern of regionalism in Korea. Focusing the concept of social distance, this paper examines various election and regional preference data. The paper presets three major findings. First current election data show clear regional cleavage. Second, regional discrimination and prejudice is often found in one' s everyday life. Third, political aspect of regionalism is strongly related to social aspect of regionalism. These findings suggest that regionalism in Korea will survive for the time being. The regionalism is rooted in everyday life. To political elites, it became an attractive and economic way to maintain their power. This tendency will promote the preference for parliamentary system among political elites and the possibility of appearance of regional party.