• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.12
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• pp.133-143
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• 2021

Complicated political situation still plagues charter schools despite their innovative education. Nevertheless, they experienced growth around 2011, yet only a few studies have explored why they had expanded from the political viewpoints. Therefore, using political institutions and political market framework, this study investigated the relationship between political institutions and charter school growth in the US(United States). To do so, this study conducted multiple regression analyses of school growth measured by the number of schools allowed, implementation points, and guaranteed funding. The findings revealed that only governors' partisanship has a significant influence on the number of schools. Moreover, supportive privatization organizations, governors' partisanship, and per capita income affects implementation points. Meanwhile, regarding guaranteed fiscal funding for the charter schools, the teachers' union enrollment rate, governors' partisanship, and per capita income are crucially influential. Finally, the results confirmed that political institutions are also important for education.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• Proceedings of the KIEE Conference
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• 2006.11a
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• pp.177-179
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• 2006

현재 전세계적으로 공급 안정성과 전력 신뢰도 및 품질을 높이는데 국가간 연계가 하나의 대안으로 떠오르고 있다. 특히 동북아 전력연계는 정치적 또는 경제적 제약들 때문에 연계가 이루어지지 못하고 있다. 향후 동북아 전력계통 연계를 고려해 볼 때 국가간 계통 상황 및 효율적인 방안을 분석하여 합당한 거래 제도를 수립할 필요가 있다. 본 논문의 목적은 현재 각국의 전력 거래제도를 분석하여 동북아 전력연계시장에 맞는 거래제도를 제시하는 것이다. 서론에서는 동북아 연계의 의의를 알아보고, 현재까지 진행된 동북아 연계방안에 대한 자료조사를 바탕으로 조사연구들에 대한 특징을 간략하게 알아본다. 본문에서는 동북아 각국의 시장 상황과 세계 각국의 전력 연계 시장에 대해 살펴보고 현재 동북아 시장에 알맞은 연계 시장의 거래제도를 제시하고자 한다. 마지막 결론에서는 동북아 전력계통 연계 시 현재와 미래상황에 맞는 연계 시장의 거래제도를 제시하고자 한다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.68 no.3
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• pp.51-71
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to clarify macro causes influencing on the diversity of single-mother households poverty among OECD Countries including Korea. This study carried out pooled time series cross-section analysis applying unbalanced panel design on the period from 1981 to 2012. There is marked diversity on single-mother households poverty. GDP per capita does not contributes to reduce poverty, and female employment rate and % population 0-14 exacerbate poverty. Several factors contribute on poverty reduction including social spending, child cash spending, union density, employment protection on regular workers, proportional representation system, cumulative left cabinet, cumulative women seat. In Korea, it needs to overcome the limit of anti-poverty strategy mainly based on economic growth and labor market flexibility. And it needs to enlarge universal welfare institutions, child benefits, work-family reconciliation policy, and to design adjusted labor market institutions including union density and employment protection, to introduce consensus political model including proportional representation system to enhance left power and women's representation.

• Proceedings of the CALSEC Conference
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• 2002.01a
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• pp.369-394
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• 2002

국가와 시민의 관계에서 볼 때, 기존의 정치·경제·행정체제 및 운용의 모습은 많은 문제점을 드러내고 있다. 정치적으로 간접(의회)민주주의 제도는 국민참여의 축소, 공공의제 및 영역의 축소, 사회적 불평등의 심화 및 정치불신을 초래하였으며, 경제적으로 시장경제의 실패는 정부개입과 그에 따른 정부의 실패를 야기하였다(정정목, 2000). 또한 행정 부분에서는 삼권분립의 견제와 균형보다는 행정권의 강화에 따른 이른바 행정국가의 등장과 이에 따른 국민의 저항과 입법 및 사법부의 위축 등을 경험하였다. (중략)

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.89-118
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• 1987

본고(本稿)는 산업별(産業別) 시장개방압력(市場開放壓力)과 대응(對應)의 양태(樣態)를 실증정치경제학적(實證政治經濟學的) 접근(接近)을 통해 분석함으로써 한미무역마찰(韓美貿易摩擦)에 대한 정책시사점을 도출하는 데 목적이 있다. 이론적 분석에 있어서는 우선 시장개방(市場開放)을 "국제공공재(國際公共財)"로 정의하고 이에 대한 수요와 공급구조를 정형화함으로써 이론적(理論的) 분석(分析)틀을 제시하였다. 시장개방수요(市場開放需要)는 상대국 시장에서의 기대이득(期待利得), 무임승차자(無賃乘車者)인 제(第)3국(國)에 비한 국제경쟁력 수준, 대정부(對政府) 로비의 강도(强度) 등의 정(正)의 함수(函數), 반면 시장개방의 공급은 시장개방에 따른 기대손실(期待損失)의 부(負)의 함수(函數), 시장개방에 대한 대정부(對政府) 반대(反對)로비 강도(强度)의 정(正)의 함수(函數)로 가설화하였다. 자료분석 결과는 대체로 이론모형(理論模型)의 시사점을 지지하는 것으로 나타났다. 한국의 국내보호율(國內保護率)이 높을수록, 미국내(美國內) 산업집중률(産業集中率), 기술집약도(技術集約度)가 높을수록 미국의 개방압력은 높은 것으로 나타났으며, 개방 후 미국의 시장점유율은 대부분 증가하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 특히 분석결과는 시장개방의 수요결정요인(需要決定要因)이 상대적으로 공급결정요인(供給決定要因)을 압도하는 경향을 보여주었다. 본(本) 연구(硏究)의 주요 정책시사점으로서, 개방압력을 완화시키기 위해서는 시장개방에 따른 기대이득(期待利得)을 낮추고, 개방에 대한 반대를 약화시키기 위해서는 국내기업의 "렌트" 추구(追求) 유인을 사전에 제거할 필요성이 부각되었다.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.1069-1079
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• 2018

Based on the theory of media governance, we analyzed the factors affecting the KBS system and the perception of the improvement of corporate governance, and suggested ways to improve the governance structure. The results of the study are as follows. First, the factors affecting the KBS system are politics, followed by the public broadcasting itself, that is, professionalism. Political factors were found to be the most influential factors in the public broadcasting KBS Institution. Second, the KBS governance structure, like the BBC, preferred a political independent model, while the board composition and proportions favored a German-style union model involving various stakeholders outside the political circle. Third, the future - oriented KBS governance model requires a change in the civil society (public) sphere that is deviated from the influence of politics and market. In the end, in order for the public broadcasting KBS system to operate stably, the political influence should be reduced, and the role of the government and the market should be controlled by the growth of the public sphere (civil society).

• Venture DIGEST
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• s.108
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• pp.20-24
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• 2007

우리나라 정치와 금융의 중심인 여의도. 여의도에는 기업인들이라면 염원하는 기업 상장을 주재하는 기관. 한국증권업협회가 위치해있다. 특히 증권업협회 13층에는 비상장기업 중 성장단계에 있는 벤처기업 등 혁신형 중소기업들이 증권시장을 통하여 자금조달 및 회수가 가능하도록 개설된 프리보드가 있다. 기존의 <제3시장>이란 이름에서 2005년 7월 <프리보드>로 변신 후 이번 7월 13일 두 돌을 맞는 중소벤처 대상 증권시장 프리보드. 이번 여름 프리보드 입성을 준비하는 쏜다넷 송승한 대표와 함께 한국증권업협회의 프리보드 본부를 찾아가 중소벤처 경영에 유용한 방향키를 클릭홰 보자.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.43 no.6
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• pp.113-138
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• 2018

The purpose of this research is to analyze how the Chinese cosmetics certification system works as a Non-Tariff Barriers(NTBs) for Korean exporting companies to access the Chinese market. China is the largest market for Korea's cosmetic exports, but China's policy of protecting domestic industry has become a barrier to Korea's cosmetics exports to China. Therefore, this research, through the analysis of regulations of the Chinese certification system for imported cosmetics. revealed that there are such problems as ① information leakage ② duplication of inspection ③time delay. In order to verify those problems, surveys and face-to-face interviews with Korean cosmetic exporting companies to China have been conducted. In conclusion, Chinese cosmetics certification system not only protects its own industry, but also serves as a NTBs to disturb the access of imported cosmetics to the Chinese market in order to foster Chinese cosmetic industry.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.2
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• pp.161-181
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• 2015

This article tries to identify the regulating mechanism of the welfare states on the private spheres of individuals and families. When the welfare state is to be understood as an institutional arrangement which is based upon the 'modernity', the reflectivity on the welfare state is about to be on the modernity and on the institutions as well. Authors assume the welfare state as an historical and developmental type of modern states. The critical components of modernity embedded in birth and growth of modern welfare states projected to their institutions are identified. Welfare states dissociates the political dynamics which have built the foundation of the welfare state itself, and faces against the new political dynamics of the individualized society. Finally, welfare state confronts the institution failure due to its intrinsic characteristics, and consequently individuals and families come across the institution dependency. Individuals in the overly rationalized spheres are being depoliticized, and they are identified themselves as the subjects of status-struggles of the institutions other than the subjects of the political dynamics of welfare states.