• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.155-164
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• 2021

The purpose of this study investigates how the audience evaluation on independency of broadcasting and news credibility of KBS and MBC affect their channel brand equity(cognition, image, loyalty, and quality). The results indicate that the audience evaluation on news credibility of KBS and MBC has stronger influence on channel brand equity than the one of independency of broadcasting. On ages, the older generation group has more positive perception on channel image and loyalty of KBS than the college student group and the college student group has more positive perception on channel cognition and quality of MBC than the older generation group. On political traits, the politically conservative groups of both KBS and MBC have more positive perception on independency of broadcasting, news credibility, and channel brand equity than the other groups. Consequently, public broadcasting systems should improve the credibility of news for securing independency of broadcasting. These systems make audience change their perception toward public broadcasting as recovering integrity of news and improving professionalism of news. Public broadcasting systems should conduct a further research to improve the management of channel brand equity by studying audiences' age and political traits.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.20 no.12
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• pp.135-143
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• 2022

This paper aims to grasp what propensity users have in their ideology from the comments in the Web Portal News and the Press Website News. Through these analytical results, the political propensities of not only the Web Portal News and the Press Website News but also the voters who use these news media could be grasped. The collection of data necessary for this study has been made from the comments of 174 news stories for about 90 days before the election day. For the analysis, T-test has been used in order to compare Naver News with Daum News, the Minjoo Party of Korea with the People Power Party, and the Press Web Site News with Naver News. As a result of the analysis, the comments of Naver News took the higher percentage in the positive writings about the candidates of the conservative party. but, in contrast, those of Daum News in that percentage were higher about the ones of the progressive party. Accordingly, it can be found that Naver News is mainly used by users with the politically conservative propensity, while Daum News is mostly used by those with progressive one.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2005.05a
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• pp.314-315
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• 2005

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.435-444
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• 2022

There are three focuses in the paper. Firstly, the study identified what channels were most viewed by YouTube users to watch the 'Daejang-dong scandal,' which was the most powerful agenda to influence the candidate preference among voters during the 20th presidential election. Secondly, the study analyzed whether the political tone of the first videos was in line with that of the subsequent videos. Finally, we compared the sentiment of comments on the first and subsequent videos. The results showed that TBS 'News Factory' and 'TV Chosun News' represented liberal and conservative factions, respectively. Secondly, the political tone of channels that were viewed subsequently was neutral, but the conservative channel users left more negative comments and that was significant statistically. In addition, about 80% of the conservative and liberal channel users shared the same political tendency with the channel they watched first, and more than 90% of the comments left at the subsequent videos in line with that of at the first news. Based on these results, the study concluded that the voters tended to seek political news that was similar with their political ideology, and it was considered a sort of echo chamber phenomenon on the YouTube. The study suggests that the performance of high-quality journalism by traditional news outlet might contribute to decrease the negative influence of political contents on YouTube users.

• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.43-51
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• 2014

Social Network Service has the sufficient potential can be widely and effectively used for various fields of society because of convenient accessibility and definite user opinion. Above all Twitter has characteristics of simple and open network formation between users and remarkable real-time diffusion. However, real analysis is accompanied by many difficulties because of semantic analysis in 140-characters, the limitation of Korea natural language processing and the technical problem of Twitter is own restriction. This thesis paid its attention to human's political attitudes showing permanence and assumed that if applying it to the analytic design, it would contribute to the increase of precision and showed it through the experiment. As a result of experiment with Tweet corpus gathered during the election of national assemblymen on 11st April 2012, it could be known to be considerably similar compared to actual election result. The precision of 75.4% and recall of 34.8% was shown in case of individual Tweet analysis. On the other hand, the performance improvement of approximately 8% and 5% was shown in by-timeline political attitude analysis of user.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.73-94
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• 2021

This study aimed to analyze the minutes of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, one of the standing committees of the Korean National Assembly, by applying the WORDFISH algorithm of automated text analysis to estimate the pattern of changes in the ideological orientation of the members of Korea's political elite. The results of the analysis showed that the Legislation and Judiciary Committee generally undergoes changes in ideological orientation around the time of a major administrative change, especially during the period preceding a change up to the time of its implementation. Compared with the United States, where changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite occur simultaneously based on parties, changes in that of the political elite at the Korean National Assembly tend to occur in response to a certain transitional point in time or a change in the ruling government. What is especially noteworthy in terms of the ideological orientation reflected in the minutes of the Legislative Judiciary Committee is that the microscopic effect tends to disappear when the macroscopic effect occurs and, conversely, that the microscopic effect emerges once the macroscopic effect has disappeared. In other words, changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite appear to indicate the effect of a particular legislator's individual characteristics when no effect is observed during a given term or year of the National Assembly, whereas they revealed the effect of a given time itself when no effects related with the individual characteristics of a legislator are discerned.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.7
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• pp.39-60
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to examine new types of political participation using the new media of digital convergence generation. For this purpose, groups were classified according to age and characteristics of media usage to investigate whether there are differences in media-related tendencies, SNS and characteristics of Smartphone usage political-related characteristics, and political participation by types. The results of the study is that the media usage characteristics by generation showed a difference between groups according to the high and low motivation for using media, and there was a generation differences in politics-related characteristics and types of political participation. Digital generation showed lower political involvement, political efficiency and offline political participation than Web 1.0 generation. In addition, political efficacy showed the moderating effect that had the greatest effect on political participation by types.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.11
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• pp.365-371
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• 2015

This experimental research explores the effect of the movie that can be classified as non-news media on viewers' political and social attitude on the theoretical basis of priming effect, focused on the movie 'cart' that deals with non-regular workers' labor movement. For this experimental research, one group of subjects composed of university students were exposed to movie 'cart', and the other not to the movie. After watching a movie, each group of subjects responded to questions that are designed to measure the seriousness of non-regular workers' problem, the necessity of labor movement, support of opposition party, support of the current government. This research found that subjects exposed to the movie 'cart' consider non-regular workers' problem more serious and supports opposition party more positively than subjects not exposed to movie 'cart.' However hypotheses that expected the positive support of treated subjects on labor union and less positive support of treated subjects on current government were rejected.

• Spatial Information Research
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.1-8
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• 2014

While SNS services such as Twitter or Facebook are rapidly growing, research for the SNS analysis has been concerned. Especially, twitter reacts to social issues in real-time so that it is used to get useful experimental data for researchers of social science or information retrieval. However, it is still lack of research on the methodology to collect data. Therefore, this paper suggests the tweet acquisition system by considering tendency of twitter user oriented location-based event and political social event. First the system acquires tweets including information of location and keyword about event and secure IDs for acquisition of political social event. Then we plan ID-analyzer to classify the tendency of users. In addition for measuring reliability of ID-analyzer, it acquires and analyzes the tweet by using high-ranked ID. In analyses result, top-ranked ID shows 88.8% reliability, 2nd-ranked ID shows 76.05% and ID-analyzer shows 77.5%, it shortens collection time by using minority ID.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.347-370
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• 2017

동북아시아지역에서 집단안보와 관련된 지역협력체가 형성되기 어려운 이유에는 먼저 체제와 이념이 다른 국가들 사이에서의 강한 지정학적 역학관계가 작동하고 있고, 두 번째로 개별국가 내부의 사회이념과 정치체제의 차이로 인한 이질성이 매우 강하며, 세 번째로 새롭게 형성되고 있는 미-중 관계의 대립적 구도가 군사안보적인 차원에서의 과도한 경쟁관계를 유발하고 있는 동시에, 네번째로 북한의 지속적인 핵과 미사일위협이 지역을 넘어 범세계적인 위협요인으로 작용하고 있으며, 다섯 번째로 장기간 미해결상태에 있는 도서 분쟁이 항시 관련국가들 사이에서의 과도한 민족주의적 갈등을 유발시키고, 이로 인한 적대적인 갈등관계가 지속되고 있는 점 등을 동시대적인 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들로 규정해 볼 수 있다. 동시에 이런 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들의 근원적인 발생요인으로도 평가될 수 있으며, 특히 동북아 개별국가들이 내세우고 있는 강력한 민족주의 성향과 과거사와 연관된 역사인식에 따른 문화적 이질성의 내면에 존재하는 낭만적 민족주의요소가 동북아 개별국가들 간의 신뢰형성과정을 강력하게 가로막고 있음을 지적할 수 있다. 19세기말에 동북아에 유래된 낭만적 민족주의에 대한 비교국가 차원에서의 심도 있는 분석과 이를 통한 절충점의 발견은, 역설적이지만, 세계 어느 지역보다도 극심한 갈등과 대립국면이 심화된 동북아지역 내의 국가들이 군사안보 및 정치경제차원에서의 보다 원활한 협력관계를 도모하기 위한 첫 단계로서의 공동의 장을 마련할 수 있는 주요한 동기가 될 수 있다.