• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Fisheries Technology Conference
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• 2001.05a
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• pp.567-568
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• 2001

여수 돌산도 연안은 자원학적ㆍ해양학적인 특색에 의해서 오래전부터 해양생물들이 산란ㆍ서식장으로 이용되어 왔으며, 다양한 생물들이 풍부하게 서식하고 있는 곳이다. 최근 급진적인 산업화에 의해 오염물질이 다량유입으로 유입되어 생태계가 파괴되고 있으며, 연안에 밀집된 가두리 양식장에 직접적인 피해를 주고 있다. 우리나라 정치망 어장에 출현하는 어류의 군집구조에 관한 연구는 소형 정치망 자료에 의한 천수만 어류의 계절에 따른 종조성 및 양적 변동 (이ㆍ석, 1984), 경북 연안의 정치망 업(서 등, 1986)과 경북 영일만 영안 정치망 어장에 출현한 어류군집의 종조성 및 양적 변동(한 등, 1997)등이 있다. (중략)

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Fisheries Technology Conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.55-58
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• 2003

제주도 연안 정치망 어장은 파도가 세고 조류도 비교적 발라 어구를 대형화 하기가 어렵다. 따라서 각망어구의 대부분은 소형의 원통그물과 짧은 길그물로 구성되어 있어서 어군이 입ㆍ출망이 쉽고 망내에서 체류하는 시간도 짧은 것으로 알려져 있다. 또한 입망된 어군을 망내에 장시간 체류시키는 데는 각망의 여러부분 중에서 원통그물의 입구의 구조가 중요하다. (중략)

• Journal of KSNVE
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.1240-1246
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• 1999

A prior error estimator which is solving structural dynamic problems and which is based on the generalized-method, is developed. Since the proposed error estimator is computed with only previous information, the time step size can be adaptively selected without the feedback mechanism. This paper shows that the automatic time stepping algorithm using the error estimator performs an efficient time integration. To verify its efficiency, several examples are numerically investigated.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.839-847
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• 2017

Korean public service broadcasting(PSB) is facing identity crisis and debate on improving PSB governance. In order to analyze the causes of the crisis of PSB, We attempted to typify the constituent factors of governance of PSB based on the perception of public service broadcasting employees and media professionals. The results of the study are summarizes as follows. First, PSB' governance is typified by four factors such as market influence, political influence, professionalism, and guarantee of PSB system. Secondly, it is analyzed that only political influence among PSB governance factors has a significant effect on the perception of crisis of PSB. Thirdly, it is analyzed that the way of constituting the KBS board and the ratio of personnel have a meaningful influence on 'political influence'. The results of this study confirm that Korean PSB needs to improve the governance structure of PSB away from political influence in order to secure the legitimacy and identity.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.138
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• pp.10-10
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• 1993

국제정치의 논리와 구조, 한국외교정책의 현황.전망을 다루고 있는 이 책들은 외교정책 결정 과정에서의 내적요인에 대한 분석의 결여라는 한국 국제정치학의 한계를 극복한 것으로 평가된다. 국제정치학 주요이론을 소개.평가하고 구체분석도 행함으로써 이론과 실제를 잘 조망하고 있다.

• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 1999.10e
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• pp.470-475
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• 1999

문장을 이해하기 위해서는 각 단어를 이해한 후에 이 단어들이 문장 내에서 어떠한 기능을 담당하고 있는지 그 구조를 파악해야 한다. 한국어 정보 처리에 있어서 명칭성 실어증 환자는 어떠한 방식으로 이러한 문장 구조를 파악하는지 정상인과의 비교를 통해 그 특성을 살펴보고자 하는 데 본 연구의 목적이 있다. 실험 재료로는 구문 중의성 문장을 사용하였는데, 구문 중의성이란 가령 '정치가'와 같은 어절이 '정치+가(주격조사)'나, '정치+가(접미사)' 모두를 뜻할 수 있음을 말한다. 본 연구에서는 이러한 중의성을 이해하는 과정을 알아보기 위해 중의성 해결 지역에서의 읽기 시간(reading time)을 측정하였으며, 실험 과제는 자기 조절 읽기 과제(self-paced reading task)를 사용하였다. 그 결과 정상인 피험자와 마찬가지로 '정치가'와 같은 중의적 어절이 주어로 쓰였을 때에는 중의적 문장 / 비중의적 문장간의 차이가 없었으나 '명사+접사'로 해석해야 할 경우에는 둘 간의 차이가 크게 나타나 피험자였던 명칭성 실어증 환자의 경우 이러한 중의성을 해결하면서 읽는 데에는 손상이 없는 것으로 보였다. 단 전체적인 문장을 읽는데에는 시간이 오래 걸려 역시 문장을 읽고 이해하는 데에는 어려움을 겪는 것으로 나타났다. 따라서, 명칭성 실어증 환자는 문장 산출의 어려움이 구문적 정보처리에서의 문제라기보다는 어휘 정보를 적절하게 인출하지 못하기 때문에 나타나는 것으로 추론된다.

• 대학교육
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• s.44
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• pp.89-97
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• 1990

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.1-39
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• 2013

Considering the relationship between state-owned enterprise (SOE) CEOs and political circles, this study examines the performance impacts of CEO's succession type, board chair separation, and industry expertise and finance expertise of CEOs and outside directors. I propose the definition of political independence in SOE CEOs based on the independence in appearance that might affect general people's perception. It means that there are no relationships or circumstances that might affect SOE CEO's judgment, activity, and report. The definition is able to overcome the limitations of the prior research that could not discover the CEOs who were affiliated to political circles because the research just distinguished the CEOs following their pre-jobs. This study focused on the performance impacts of political independence impaired CEO as well as the CEO's impacts on the relationship between the performance and other corporate governance variables. I selected as dependent variables the average return on asset as operating income divided by total assets and the average customer satisfaction rate evaluated by Korean government during the first three years following the year of the events of explanatory variables. My theory and evidence from the various CEO's personal background and financial information from SOEs in Lee Myung-bak Administration and Rho Moo-hyun Administration suggest the following important things. First, the analysis based on whether or not a SOE CEO keeps political independence shows that a political independence impaired CEO made a significantly negative impact on customer satisfaction rate. Second, the separation between a board chair and a CEO in SOEs introduced by Korean Act on Management of Public Institutions made a significantly positive impact on customer satisfaction rate. However, the positive impact of the board chair separation was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Third, outside director's industry expertise made a significantly positive impact on return on asset. However, the positive impact of the outside director's industry expertise was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Fourth, the comparison between Lee Myung-bak Administration and Roh Moo-hyun Administration on the corporate governance and performance of SOEs shows that the ratio of political independence impaired CEO was significantly higher in Lee Administration and the ratio of outside director's industry expertise and finance expertise were respectively significantly higher in Roh Administration. Based on these results, I suggested a few policy alternatives for CEO's improved political independence and requirements for executive's expertise in SOEs.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.