• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.277-284
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• 2018

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2020

Ahead of the 21st Korean National Assembly Election, the congressional election law was revised, and the semi-mixed member proportional system was introduced. The purpose of the revision of the election law was to increase the proportionality and representativeness of the election system through the institutional reform in the direction of promoting a multi-party system. This study shows that the effect of the introduction of the semi-mixed proportional system was compared with the election results when the previous proportional representative system was maintained. There was no significant difference from the results. This study reveals that contrary to the intention of institutional design to revitalize the multi-party system, the two large political parties took the most seats after democratization in 1987, resulting in an unintended consequences. In addition, with regard to the recent argument for party realignment, the Busan, Ulsan, and Gyeongnam regions have been dealigned in the Yeongnam regional cleavage, and are undergoing a process of party realignment. It has not yet entered the stage of realignment, but remains in the stage of fluid dealignment.

• 대학교육
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• s.123
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• pp.96-101
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• 2003

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.237-260
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• 2009

This article deals with the problem, of wether the change of party discourse influences the change of the political finance system and the change of political finance system again effects the political discourse. The political finance and state funding system for parties in Germany is a product of political debate and conflict from the 1960's to th 1990's. The introduction of the state funding system faced critical public opinion at the beginning, and the German parties have initiated a discourse building process as the initiator role and major actor. The state funding system for parties has changed three times and shows, how the constitutional interpretation became dominant in parliament and the constitutional court, which considers a party as a fundamental and essential institution in a democratic system.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-76
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• 2017

This paper focus on universal values and characteristics of populist parties of the Western Europe. Moreover, the causes of the European populist parties successful political activities in the European society, in which democracy is relatively established, quite stably, examined as well. Populist political activities based on simple speech are evidently unfair political actions mobilizing the unreasonable populace. populist politics is difficult to coexist with the modern Western European democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

This paper aims to clarify the characteristics of 'the regime 87', the product of democratic transition of Korea in 1987, and its historical evolution. Through the clarification, this paper expects to provide a discoursive basis for reforming the regime 87 and advancing democracy in Korea. For this purpose, this paper seeks to find Korea within the context of macro-historical change of the world. And then this paper tries to analyze the reason and the process of the birth of the regime 87 and its historical evolution.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Proceedings of the Korean System Dynamics Society
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• 2000.02a
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• pp.61-96
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• 2000

“다운사이징은 조직의 기술혁신에 어떠한 영향관계를 형성하면서 순환하는가？” 80년대 미국의 기업들이 다운사이징의 열풍을 건너면서, 90년대에 들어 국내의 기업들도 다운사이징 및 해고에 대한 정당성을 지속적으로 피력해 나갔다. 사회적 거부감의 팽배로 인해 본격적인 실행조치를 취하지는 못하던 중에, IMF 체제로까지 물려나간 기업들은 마침내 본격적으로 다운사이징을 실행 화하기 시작하였다. 기업이 다운사이징을 한다는 것은 해당기업은 물론이고 이해관계자, 정치영역, 사회전반체계 등에 지대한 영향을 미친다. 특히 국민정서가 개인주의가 아닌 공동체의식이 발달해있는 문화권에 속한 우리의 사정에서 그 영향력은 훨씬 더 막대하다. 수많은 논쟁들이 다운사이징의 정당성을 놓고 치열하게 진행되고 있다. 국내의 기업들이 겪고 있는 상황은 구태여 어떠한 자료를 제시하지 않더라도 그 생존에 대한 절실함은 이미 잘 알려져 있다. 한보파동, 기아사태, 대우사태로 연결되고 있는 기업들의 생존문제는 다운사이징의 정당성 문제를 이미 공리 화시키고 있다.(중략)

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.79-102
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• 2009

This study reviews the issue of public interests of technologies required in industrial technology policy as well as the demand for changes in industrial technology policy as result of the migration from catch-up to post catch-up innovation system. In fact, the importance of public interests which served as the rationale for government intervention in industrial technology policy have gradually faded, which invited controversies over the legitimacy and effectiveness of government intervention in promoting specific technologies or industries. Today, the existing policy framework has to change to correspond to the post catch-up environment which requires creative technology development. In this context, the Korean government needs to reduce direct support for certain companies or technologies, but increase R&D investment in energy, environment and health and welfare to enhance public interests of technology innovation activities.