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A Study on the Constituent Factors of Korean PSB Governance and the Expert Recognition on PSB Crisis (한국 공영방송의 거버넌스 구성요인과 공영방송 위기에 대한 전문가 인식 조사 연구)

  • Park, Jong-Won;Kim, Kwang-Ho
    • Journal of Digital Contents Society
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    • v.18 no.5
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    • pp.839-847
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    • 2017
  • Korean public service broadcasting(PSB) is facing identity crisis and debate on improving PSB governance. In order to analyze the causes of the crisis of PSB, We attempted to typify the constituent factors of governance of PSB based on the perception of public service broadcasting employees and media professionals. The results of the study are summarizes as follows. First, PSB' governance is typified by four factors such as market influence, political influence, professionalism, and guarantee of PSB system. Secondly, it is analyzed that only political influence among PSB governance factors has a significant effect on the perception of crisis of PSB. Thirdly, it is analyzed that the way of constituting the KBS board and the ratio of personnel have a meaningful influence on 'political influence'. The results of this study confirm that Korean PSB needs to improve the governance structure of PSB away from political influence in order to secure the legitimacy and identity.

An Analysis of 2018 Local Elections: Structure and Issues (2018년 지방선거 결과 분석: 구조와 쟁점)

  • Yoon, Jongbin
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.24 no.2
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    • pp.39-66
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    • 2018
  • This paper analyzes the structures and issues of 2018 Korean local elections based on the author's observations on the electoral processes. Even if this paper does not follow a traditional statistical method, it provides the interpretative meanings of 2018 local elections by utilizing an expert's observations of campaign processes. This result of 2018 election can be summarized into two analytical frames. In terms of electoral competition structure, three key factors, such as presidential approval rating, party competition structure, ideological spectrum, tend to affect the winning of governing party. In the light of election issue, the inter-Korean summit, the Washington-Pyeongyang summit, Incheon deprecating remark were positive to the vote gains of governing party, but the negative campaign, the drucking scandal and the swing voters were found not to be significant. The local election in Korea tends to show dual meanings, a proxy war of national-level politics and a composition process of local government. This paper found that the 2018 election has dual meanings at the same time, in a sense that it is the punishment of the ex-governing party's wrongdoing and the power change of local government.

Dynamics in Election News Making: An Exploratory Study (선거보도의 역동성에 대한 탐색적 연구)

  • Lee, Han Soo
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.27 no.3
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    • pp.155-188
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    • 2021
  • This study examines dynamics in election news making. It is important to understand when and how news media produce election news in order to grasp news making and voting behavior. The news media sometimes make election news by focusing on issues and policies. Often they frame elections as a game and focus on election strategies while covering elections. This article argues that as time goes by during the election period, the number of policy news tends to decrease while the frequency of strategic news is likely to increase. Also, TV's and newspapers show distinctive patterns of election news making. In order to examine the arguments, this study categorizes election news stories into policy and strategic news stories produced during the 2020 Korean congressional elections and constructs daily time-series data of them. The results of structural break and regression analyses partially support the arguments.

A Study on the international legality issues of armed attack by drone (무인항공기의 무력공격을 둘러싼 국제법상 쟁점에 관한 연구)

  • Shin, Hong-Kyun
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.28 no.2
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    • pp.37-61
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    • 2013
  • In modern international law, the absence of legal definition regarding drone(Unmanned Aerial Vehicle) has made legal scholars work on an typical analogy between aircraft codified in the international document and drone. The wording of the Convention on International Civil Aviation is limited to two categories of aircraft, such as civil aircraft and state aircraft, whereas military aircraft is not legally defined. As such it is, the current practices of the State regarding the drone flight over foreign territory have proven a hypothese that drone is being deemed as military aircraft. Principal usage of drone lies in reconnaissance and surveillance mission as well as so-called targeted killing, which is prohibited if the killing is treacherous. Claimed war against terrorism, however, is providing a legal rationale that targeted killing is not treacherous, and that the targeted person is not civilian but combatant. In such context, armed attack of drone is deemed legal and justified. Consequently, such attack is legal in the general context of the war. The rules that govern targeting do not turn on the type of weapon system used, and there is no prohibition under the laws of war on the use of technologically advanced weapons systems in armed conflict so long as they are employed in conformity with applicable laws of war. Drones may present interesting new challenges because of their sophistication and the technological advantage they convey to their operators.

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A Comparative Study on the Politico-Social Characteristics of Education Welfare Invest Priority Zone Plan, Korea with the Cases in UK and France (영국과 프랑스의 교육복지사업 비교연구를 통해서 본 우리나라 교복투사업의 정치사회학적 성격)

  • Kang, Soon Won
    • Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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    • v.22 no.4
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    • pp.1-24
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    • 2012
  • This comparative study attempts to explore in what politico-social context 'Education Welfare Invest Priority Zone Plan' has been developed and to find politico-social implications of Korean EWIPZP through critically comparing the cases of UK and France. Korean financial crisis brought up the importance of 'Education Welfare' turning into a concrete system, 'EWIPZP' in 2003. This educational welfare policy has expanded since 2005 up to now by the changed name of 'Education Welfare Priority Plan' in 2008, that is structurally different from the original framework which was to support schools in educationally disadvantaged areas. Even the cases of EAZ in UK and ZEP in France started by progressive political parties and established on the ground of 'equity' philosophy, turned into the excellence-based equality policy confronting with the harsh condition of neo-liberalistic global economy under the conservative regime. So does Korea under the critics against this tendency. Comparing Korean case with the cases in UK and France, the current Education Welfare Priority Policy in Korea should be back to the original principle of educational equity and transform into the bottom-up bilateral cooperation model from the top-down model by the authorized party itself in order not to be manipulated politically.

Cambodia's Response to the G-2 System: A Theoretical Perspective (G-2 체제에 대한 캄보디아의 대응 전략에 관한 이론적 고찰)

  • CHOO, Young Shik
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.3
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    • pp.93-135
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    • 2017
  • Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

A Study of Users' Ideological Propensity in the Comments of Online News: Focusing upon the Stories of the Web Portal Sites and the Press Website News Related to the 20th presidential Election (온라인 뉴스 댓글에 나타난 뉴스 이용자들의 이념적 성향에 관한 연구: 포털과 언론사닷컴의 20대 대선 관련 뉴스기사를 중심으로)

  • Kwang Soon Park;Jong Mook Ahn
    • Journal of Industrial Convergence
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    • v.20 no.12
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    • pp.135-143
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    • 2022
  • This paper aims to grasp what propensity users have in their ideology from the comments in the Web Portal News and the Press Website News. Through these analytical results, the political propensities of not only the Web Portal News and the Press Website News but also the voters who use these news media could be grasped. The collection of data necessary for this study has been made from the comments of 174 news stories for about 90 days before the election day. For the analysis, T-test has been used in order to compare Naver News with Daum News, the Minjoo Party of Korea with the People Power Party, and the Press Web Site News with Naver News. As a result of the analysis, the comments of Naver News took the higher percentage in the positive writings about the candidates of the conservative party. but, in contrast, those of Daum News in that percentage were higher about the ones of the progressive party. Accordingly, it can be found that Naver News is mainly used by users with the politically conservative propensity, while Daum News is mostly used by those with progressive one.

The Social Embedding of Biogas Technology in Korea (바이오가스 기술의 사회적 수용과정 분석)

  • Song, Wi-Chin
    • Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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    • v.11 no.1
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    • pp.1-29
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    • 2011
  • The purpose of this study is to develop a theoretical framework to analyze the social processes of embedding new technologies, among others, green technologies, in society, and based on this, to identify problems and challenges in introducing and assimilating biogas technologies in local communities in Korea. Chapter Two strives to develop a framework to analyze the social processes of embedding new technologies in society. A couple of key concepts such as technology community, technology learning and technology politics are introduced and discussed. Chapter Three and Four examine the problems arising from the social processes of embedding biogas plant technologies in local communities in Korea and tries to suggest policy options to tackle these problems.

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Institutional Development of the U.S. House: Reforms in Legislative Rules (미국 의회 의사규칙의 역사적 진화와 이론적 쟁점)

  • Ryu, Jae-Sung
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.15 no.2
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    • pp.35-65
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    • 2009
  • This paper describes the changes in legislative rules in the U.S. House of Representatives and discusses the roles of legislative rules in public policy making. I argue that much of reform experiences in the U.S. House provide good references by which the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea may follow for its reforms. For this, I summarize primary reforms of legislative rules in the U.S. House and discuss dynamics in power distribution between committees and party leadership. These reforms are then reviewed on the basis of political stability, protection of minority rights, and legislative deliberation.

A Study on the Images of the Korean Presidents in the 2000s via Stamps -Focusing on Korean President Moo-hyun Roh, Myung-bak Lee, Geun-hye Park, Jae-in Moon- (우표를 통해 본 2000년대 한국 대통령의 휴먼이미지 연구 -노무현, 이명박, 박근혜, 문재인 대통령을 중심으로-)

  • Kim, Mi-Ri;Jang, Seong-Ho
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.20 no.10
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    • pp.738-749
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    • 2020
  • The stamp commemorating the inauguration of a president is the smallest historical symbol that contains a nation's vision and wishes of the times. The stamp itself is just a collection of images but contains the meaning of the highest leader's perceived image at the time through their face and a symbol. This paper regarded presidential inauguration commemorative stamps in the context of advertisement or promotional materials to structurally analyze the images of the political leaders embedded in stamps utilizing 'semiology' theory, which is considered to be a useful method of advertisement. In accordance with social and cultural changes, the 2000s, when the changes in the presidential inauguration stamp was most distinctively noticeable, was set as the time frame. Only the presidential inauguration commemorative stamps of Moo-hyun Roh, Myung-bak Lee, Geun-hye Park, and Jae-in Moon were selected for this study. In order to interpret the image, a semiotic structure was applied to reconstruct the meaning of the image of the political leaders. Since this can lead to subjective judgment in image analysis, it attempted to find the truth through comprehensive interpretation and approach it from the social and cultural contexts, not a static approach. In this paper, the images of the Korean political leaders in the 2000s shown on stamps are no longer influenced by traditional political factors such as political parties, political ideologies, and regional origins due to the evolution of democracy. This study derives the characteristics of the images of independent and characteristic leaders centered on a person according to the situations and social phenomena of the times.