• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.11 no.4
• /
• pp.19-29
• /
• 2011

After a change of government and the inauguration of President Barack Obama in 2009, there are various effort to set up a cybersecurity policy which is better than its predecessor. The legislative trend of cybersecurity is the one aspect of that. So we compare the legislative trend of cybersecurity in the Obama era to one in the Bush era and analyze that and find items which is helpful to Korea. It seems that the point of cybersecurity legislation of U.S.A. changes from tougheners of penalties to improvements to implementation system. We can find the implications for Korea From that. Cybersecurity is covered as a problem all over the nation and a security problem. It is necessary for Korea to get ready for new Pax Americana in cybersecurity in advance and to guarantee fundamental human rights.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.34 no.4
• /
• pp.89-97
• /
• 2016

This study looked at the sacrifice space building in the Changbai Mountain area to a specific era in terms of the cultural landscape. The scared of Changbai Mountain how changes in history came despite the regime and national change, interpretation of the reason was the scared maintained. The results of this study are as follows. First, Replacement of the regime in the Republic of China in the Qing period, ethnic diversity, underwent a cultural acceptance. So Changbai Mountain nature of sacrifice, the divine subject has formed the changes. Second, the Qing Royal sacrifice space Wangji Temple(望祭殿) have formed a unique cultural space and the sacrifice of authoritative content with only space. The Republic of China period, a new folk beliefs were born between the defense in the face of the Han Chinese migration and settlement process. Build Sacrifice space of Rulai Temple(如來寺) and Shanshenlaobatou Temple(山神老把頭廟). Third, the spatial relationship between the priest and the Changbai Mountain area Wangji Temple(望祭殿) is the power of space as vertical space. Rulai Temple(如來寺), Shanshenlaobatou Temple(山神老把頭廟) is located in the Changbai Mountain and horizontal space was obedient to the space. Fourth, the sacrifice ritual Wangji Temple(望祭殿) of the Qing Dynasty is the only ritual sacrifice of satisfaction. It is cut off depending on the abolition of imperial power. Currently, public ritual sacrifice is commonplace rituals and sacrifices of the Qing Dynasty is only formally underway. In conclusion, as it has been maintained for the sanctity historically Changbai Mountain. Changbai Mountain sacrifice space was changing through the acceptance of the replacement of the regime and culture of ethnic offerings from a single culture of the Qing Dynasty. Currently, to form a sacrifice space and culture overlap through a mutually acceptable.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
• /
• 2017.05a
• /
• pp.801-825
• /
• 2017

본 연구는 과학기술분야 정부출연 연구기관의 자율성과 독립성을 보장하고, 연구기관 간의 협력과 유기적인 연결이라는 정책목표하에 1999년 이후 지금까지 그 목표달성을 위해 정책수단으로 존재하고 있는 연구회제도의 정책변동 사례를 대상으로 하고 있다. 과학기술 연구회는 김대중 정부이후 박근혜 정부까지 네 번의 정권교체기마다 변화과정을 거쳐왔다. 여기서는 그 사례에 Kingdon의 다중흐름모형을 이용하여 각 정부별 정책결정요인과 그 과정을 비교 분석했으며, 그 결과로서 Hogwood & Peters의 정책변동유형을 살펴보았다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.35
• /
• pp.329-361
• /
• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.131-161
• /
• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• 한국정보통신설비학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2003.08a
• /
• pp.376-378
• /
• 2003

본 논문에서는 2002년도에 KT에서 개발한 내경 1,000mm의 무인통신구를 건설 할 수 있는 마이크로터널링 장비에 대해 소개하고자 한다. 개발된 장비는 3D 기법을 이용한 최첨단 기법을 통하여 개발되었으며, 소형 굴진기의 취약점인 장애물 돌파능력을 보완하기 위하여 막장으로 진입이 가능한 구조로 되어있다. 따라서 굴진 중 장애물에 직면했을 경우 막장을 통하여 장애물을 효과적으로 제거할 수 있으며, 이 막장 진입통로를 이용하여 면판의 비트와 롤러커터를 교체할 수 있으므로 장거리 굴진이 가능하다. 그리고 굴진작업 시 필요한 원압잭과 후방설비인 Desander, 송 배니펌프등의 주변설비를 Operating Room에서 통합관리 할 수 있는 터널링 관리시스템을 개발하여 적용함으로써 보다. 효율적인 굴진관리를 수행할 수 있는 특징을 갖고 있다. 이렇게 개발된 장비와 시스템은 시험 시공을 통해 그 성능을 확인하였으며, 여기서 그 개발 과정 및 시험 시공 결과에 대해 기술하고자 한다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.14 no.9
• /
• pp.24-44
• /
• 2014

This study explores the political meaning of candidate's speech and statement who run for the 18th presidential election in the viewpoint of communication. The visibility of the words and the connectivity between the words are analyzed in the viewpoint of structural aspect and the vision, policy. The visibility of the words is analyzed based on the frequency of the words mentioned in the speech or the statement. The connectivity between the words are analyzed based on the network analysis and expressed by graph. In the case of candidate Park, the key word is the happiness of the people and appointment. The key word for candidate Moon is regime change and the Korean Peninsula and the key word for candidate Ahn is the people and change. This study contributes positively to the study of candidate's discourse in the viewpoint of methodology by using network analysis and exploring scientifically the connectivity of the words. In the theoretical aspect this study uses the results of network analysis for revealing what is the leadership components in the speech and the statement. In conclusion, this study highlights the extension of the communication studies.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.39-66
• /
• 2018

This paper analyzes the structures and issues of 2018 Korean local elections based on the author's observations on the electoral processes. Even if this paper does not follow a traditional statistical method, it provides the interpretative meanings of 2018 local elections by utilizing an expert's observations of campaign processes. This result of 2018 election can be summarized into two analytical frames. In terms of electoral competition structure, three key factors, such as presidential approval rating, party competition structure, ideological spectrum, tend to affect the winning of governing party. In the light of election issue, the inter-Korean summit, the Washington-Pyeongyang summit, Incheon deprecating remark were positive to the vote gains of governing party, but the negative campaign, the drucking scandal and the swing voters were found not to be significant. The local election in Korea tends to show dual meanings, a proxy war of national-level politics and a composition process of local government. This paper found that the 2018 election has dual meanings at the same time, in a sense that it is the punishment of the ex-governing party's wrongdoing and the power change of local government.

• Korea journal of population studies
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.75-99
• /
• 2010

This paper aims to examine the causes and features of current generational conflicts in Korea and to discuss their implications. The data utilized in the study include collective data on presidential and general elections and secondary data obtained from empirical research. The findings are as follows. First, generational power conflicts express itself by struggles among generations concerning the timing of political power transfer. An average age of assemblymen decreases consistently regardless of changes in overriding ideological atmosphere in general - conservative vs. liberal. Second, ideological conflicts among generations were highly intensified around 2002 presidential election, but gradually moderated since 2004 general election. The conflicts might be re-intensified if a set of conditions were satisfied. Third, cultural conflicts between older and younger generations were contrasted around three cultual axes: economic growth with top priority vs. consumerism, collectivism vs. individualism, and authoritarianism vs. post-authoritarianism. To ease strained relations between generations, intergenerational programs were suggested.

• Korea journal of population studies
• /
• v.25 no.1
• /
• pp.145-179
• /
• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.