• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.37
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• pp.5-45
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• 2018

Today, in the case of literary works such as modern poetry, novels, 'literature production : literature acceptance' are relatively simple as 'writing : reading'. However, in classical literature, there are ways of 'singing, chanting, narrating, performing, public reading, writing : listening, reading.' Modern literary works such as poetry and novels are sole arts made up only of literature, but classical literature have many complex arts accompanied by music, theater, etc. In order to understand the way classical literature, it is necessary to consider music, theater, etc. also. There are a number of subjects to research today in relation to the accepting method of classical literature. There are such things at Hyang-ga (향가), Goryeo Sog-yo (고려속요), Sijo (시조) and Gasa (가사) in of classical poetry. There is a public reading in classical novels. There is securing video materialㄴ for narrators in oral literature. And there are Si-chang (시창. 詩唱) and aloud reading in chinese proses. 'Listening literature', such as the oral literature needs to have the A. Lord's 'formular theory' - 'formular' (general words), 'themes' (general subject), and 'improvisation.' It is the opposite of contemporary poetry and novels that value ' special words', 'special contents', and 'original text.' Classical literature with a great deal of 'listening literature' besides ' reading literature' needs to have this 'formular theory' too basically. In the case of 'excessive pornographic' oriented events in Goryeo Gayo (고려가요) and Pansori (판소리), a vision is required to set up a space for the realization of literature. The haman basic elements like a man and woman's body subject can be evoked as a literature means at open place for anonymous people. Unlike modern poetry and novels, which are 'reading literature', and contain only literature, classical literature have 'listening literature' besides 'reading literature', and have complex arts - classical poetry (literature and music), and oral literature (literature, music, theater etc.) These aspects are available to research modern mass media literature, which are all 'listening literature,' and all complex arts - pop songs (literature and music), movies (literature, drama, image, music etc.) and TV dramas (literature, drama, image, music etc.). Thus, a proper understanding and consideration of the accepting method is very important in understanding, researching and educating classical literature.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.5-31
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• 2018

The mask dance drama Goseong Ogwangdae's first act, Mundung Bukchum. The story is about a man who was born to the upper class but contracted leprosy, an incurable disease, due to his ancestors' accumulated sin. Although he is suffering, he is able to triumph over the disease through sinmyeong (catharsis) that is expressed through the wordless act of Mundung Bukchum. This thesis focuses on Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum, particularly the meaning, costume, accompanying music, and process of pedagogical transmission. The chronological characteristics of Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum are as follows. First, as time goes on, the number of dance motions in Mundung Bukchum has increased and the motions used have become reified. Second, I address the small barrel drum used in Mundung Bukchum and check how, through the drum, the changed expression of Mundung is shown.In a 1965 video introduced Mundung is grasping the drum and stick and the dance appears to be made up only of humorous motions. Also in a 1969 video, "Mundung Gwangdae," from the start Mundung is grasping the drum and stick. In 1988 in a video we can see the same scene as today, with the drum and stick sitting in the center of the stage at the start of the dance. We can also confirm that the same fourteen dance motions used today are present. Third, we can also confirm the changes in Goseong Ogwangdae's signature motion, baegimsae as time goes on. Observing the video from 1965, baegimsae does not appear in Mundung Bukchum. In 2000 we can clearly see the baegimsae performed once to the left and to the right while Mundung is squatting. Comparing 1969 to 1988, there is no symmetry in the motions, baegimsae is not done to both left and right, but only in one direction. Watching the record from 2000, the baegimsae motion is performed just as it is now, with the body thrown forward with a sharp push off the ground. Fourth I confirmed how the music used to accompany Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum has changed over time. In 1965 according to records of Mundung Bukchum's appearance, the dance was accompanied by the taryeong rhythmic pattern played on the usual four percussion instruments (barrel drum, hourglass drum, large gong, small gong). In the 1969 records of Mundung Bukchum the accompanying music is gutgeori rhythmic pattern performed on the usual four percussion instruments-an obvious difference. In 1988 the music with Mundung Bukchum is gutgeori rhythmic pattern transitioning into jajinmori rhythmic pattern. In 2000 the music with Mundung Bukchum includes the percussion instruments as well as taepyeongso (double reed oboe) playing gutgeori and jajinmori rhythmic patterns.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.111-136
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• 2020

Agricultural high schools are undergoing a change their name from the mid-1950s to the 2000s. Although it varies slightly depending on the case, it has been changed from 'rural forests' to 'agricultural farms' or 'agricultural industries' and 'life sciences high schools' in turn. In several aricultural high schools had managed Nongak Department(class), it's guarantees the continuity of Korea's traditional folk art. Examples include entertainment and farming in Honam region of Jeonju aricultural high School in North Jeolla Province, Geumsan aricultural high School in South Chungcheong Province, Gimcheon aricultural high School in North Gyeongsang Province. Therefore, the interpretation and significance of studies should follow. This method of Nongak education in modern school institutions is a new phenomenon in the history of Nongak after modern time, the emergence of a whole new pattern of professional entertainment Nongak after paving and Female-Nongak, as well as local traditional folk music. Education here was conducted in such a way that the best performers of the time were invited as guidance teachers among traditional folk artists. Thus, various local and professional music and entertainment were able to be promoted Apart from the social relations of delay, social progress, and economy, the education of farming and music, which consists of teachers and students in public schools, has provided an environment where unlimited freedom is allowed for art forms. In other words, the conditions for a new performance style experiment and creative fusion were met, and the foundation for the development of professional musical performers who had acquired individualized talents from previous generations was laid down in the context of the phenomenon of active stage music and theater performance of outstanding in the culture of Nongak. In other words, the Department of Agriculture and aricultural high school was a very free space compared to other communities' and economic community's agricultural music in social relationships bound by traditional cultural customs. This is why they have created a new style of performance through a new experiment and a different traditional performance repertoire, and their activities have led to a more stylistic expansion from traditional farming. More importantly, the figures who came across Agricultural Nongak department became the main experts of traditional Korean folk music nowdays. Thus, Nongak Department, operated by the Agriculture and Forestry High School, was a space where would give a very important meaning in terms of Nongak history.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.801-833
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• 2019

This article has reviewed on the characteristics of the Beompae (Buddhist chanting) performed by Gyeongjaeeosan Wonmyeongchang(唱) based on the result of musical style of Gyeongjae Anchaebi-sori as defined under the previous studies. And, through the comparison with the Beompae performed by Songam-chang (唱), a same type of musical piece, it contemplates on musical differences between the two singers. Results of the study are shown as follows. of Gyeongjaeeosan Seolhoeinyu-pyeon and of Socheongsaja-pyeon are sunged as Yuchi-Seong(聲) among Anchaebi-sori. 'main melody type' and 'ending type' are generally similar to the musical characteristics of the Yuchi-Seong(聲), and the differences between the two singers are detected from main melody type D and ending type b. In particular, under of Socheongsaja-pyeon, only the type a is detected among the two types. becouse ending note of ending-type 'a' is ended with 'sol'. The basic frame of the Jjaimsae(musical form) has been clarified in the previous studies that the Jjaimsae of Yuchi-Seong(聲) has been maintained just the way it is. However, even for the same Seong(聲), the combination of the 'main melody type' of passage has not been unified, and depending on the musical piece, it has been discovered that the combination of the 'main melody type' has been diversely organized. of Gyeongjaeeosan Bongsongsajapyeon belongs to Pyeon-gae-seong(聲) broadly from the Anchaebi-sori and it is shown to be So-seong(聲) in details. In particular, in the previous studies, the 'ending melody' of So-seong(聲) and the closing melody of were similar with a slight difference for the 'ending melody'. Such a difference is relation to the characteristics for sequentially descending melody of Wonmyeong-chang(唱). The 'Jjaimsae(The musical structure)' is not much different from the previous studies, and the 'yeok-eum(weaving lyrics)' of Songam-chang(唱) has strong tendency of 3-sobak rhythm while the Wonmyeong-chang (唱) is shown the tendency of 2-sobak rhythm in general for the difference.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.701-748
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• 2019

Gwanak-yeongsanhoesang, called as Samhyeon-yeongsanhoesang or Pyojeongmanbangjigok, is played by the musical instrumental organization, Samhyeonyukgak or by a large scale wind ensemble added Sogeum and Ajaeng. This study aims to analyze the structure and form of Piri melody which plays major melody of Sangnyeongsan in Gwanak-yeongsanhoesang, and to examine the relationship between Piri melody and Daegeum yeoneum grasping the structure and function of yeoneum. In Sangnyeongsan of Gwanak-yeongsanhoesang, the criterion for grouping the phrases of Piri melody is yeoneum. Especially, Daegeum yeoneum carries out the function of finishing the phrase of Piri playing the major melody by ornamenting or extending it, and presenting the motives or motive elements of the next phrase while Piri rests. The types of a, b, g, and i in the various shapes of the minimum melodic fragment of Piri are important motive elements that constitute a phrase of Piri melody. Especially, main motive a-type (仲→無) contrasts with b type (林→潢) which forms a strong tension by transposing 2 degrees upward. In addition, a-type gradually descends towards the end of music by changing to g-type (仲→林) or to i-type (太→林) which is 3 degrees below, which is related to the gradual descent cadence of Korean traditional music. A phrase of Piri melody of Sangnyeongsan in Gwanak-yeongsanhoesang consists of a combination of the types a, b, g, i, and cadence (x-type), and each phrase is structured in the repeating tension-relaxation. Looking at the structure of Piri phrases by similar types, each phrase has a logical variation structure through the methods such as omission and addition of notes, and crossing of melodies. The shape of the minimum melodic fragment of Daegeum yeoneum can be divided into a back-yeoneum of a~b types and a front-yeoneum of x1~x3. The x-types ornament Jungnyeo (仲), the cadence tone of Piri melody or are simply used as the extending back-yeoneum, and types a and b have the function of a front-yeoneum that prepares the beginning of the next phrase of Piri melody. The combination types of the minimum melodic fragment of Daegeum yeoneum appear mostly as the shape of back-yeoneum + front-yeoneum. In addition, the front-yeoneum of the type a and b appears independently without back-yeoneum, and the x3 type has a shape of the back-yeoneum without the front-yeoneum. Looking at the structure of Daegeum yeoneum by similar types, it can be seen that Daegeum yeoneum is also composed of a variation structure of omission and addition of notes like Piri melody.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.37-61
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• 2011

The Noh(能) performance is a traditional drama that represents Japan. The Noh performance was approved in the background of religious thought such as Shintoism(神道), Buddhisms(佛敎), and Syugendo(修驗道). Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. The Noh was approved while receiving a large influence from Shugendo. It can know the feature of the Shugen(修驗) culture in the Middle Ages through the consideration of . Moreover, the appearance of the training of 'Yamabusi(山伏)' can be seen. "Yamabusi" has not been paid to attention up to now in the research of . And, the focus was appropriated to Yamabusi and it researched in this text. Moreover, the problem of "Chigo(稚子)" is thought through . "Chigo culture" was general in the Middle Ages. It is thought that "Chigo culture" is reflected in . is an Noh performance for the boy named 'Wakamatsu' to enter the mountain and to train. It is because mother's sickness was cured. However, the boy gets sick while it is training. It was dropped to the valley according to the law of Shugendo, and it died. However, it revives by the Yamabusi's prayers. 'Taniko' is to drop to the valley and to bury it when the Yamabusi gets sick while lived. The title of the Noh originated in here. has elements of history, content of training of Shugendo, "Filial piety", and the Chigo culture, etc. These are features of the culture in the Middle Ages. It is not only a sad content though this is a content of the cruel remainder. It is because of the revival though waited rapidly at the end. As for the difficulty of training is drawn in the round, and the appearance of the training at that time is understood well. The essence of Shugendo is to train in the mountain. Supernatural power can be obtained through training. Moreover, it was thought that it was able to be newly reborn through training. The leading part of Shugendo is an Yamabusi. The Yamabusi took an active part in not only the mountain but also the village. The Yamabusi is ordinary people's lives and because the relation is deep, an important factor it knows the folk customs of Japan. The word 'Chigo' is not written in . However, a spectator at that time is 'Chigo' Wakamatsu and is already sure to have understood 'Chigo'. Because everyone knew the Chigo culture in the Middle Ages. A religion at that time and knowledge of the society are necessary to understand the play of Nho well.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.279-323
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• 2019

The musical characteristics of Fishing songs in North Korean which recorded on Anthology of North Korean Folk Songs were examined in this paper. The results are as follows. Among Fishing songs in North Korea, there are "Rowing Song," the "Song for Hauling Nets," and the "Song for Picking Up Fish" in songs related to walleye pollack fishing and in songs related to croaker fishing, the "Song for Dropping Anchor" and the "Full-Load-of-Fish Song" in songs related to croaker fishing, the "Song for Weighing Anchor," the "Song for Shaking Fish," the "Full-Load-of-Fish Rowing Song," and the "Song for Hanging Walleye Pollack" in songs related to walleye pollack fishing. There are the "Song for Setting a sail" and the "Song for catching shells" in Fishing songs in North Korea, too. In the rhythmic elements of Fishing songs in North Korea, the tempo of the "Songs for Setting a sail" is moderato, and that of the "Songs for Picking Up Fish" of songs related to anchovy or herring fishing is quite slow. "Rowing Songs"(croaker fishing) have various tempos but faster than moderato, and usually get faster and faster as time goes by. Most songs have 4/♩. time and there are some of 2, 3 or 5 time. Some songs use irregular time or 6 time overlapping 2 beats. The mode Menari is the most common tonal system used in fishing songs of North Korea. And the mode Susimga, the mode Changbutaryeong, the mode Nanbongga, and the mode Odolttogi are also used in the tonal system of Fishing songs in North Korea. There are shoutting intonations that have indefinite pitch, too. Modulation or interaction by the mode Changbutaryeong appeared in songs of the mode Menari. There is a tendency to favor a certain tonal system by category. Responsorial form is mostly used, but in the most cases, they were sung in solo. In responsorial songs, several calling songs overlap with the responding songs. Durchkomponiert form is sung by antiphon or in solo, but the case sung in solo originally seems to have been sung by antiphon or unison, if we consider the procedure of the work. The "Song for Picking Up Fish" of Seonbong-gun of North Hamgyeong Province and Yangyang-gun of Gangwon Province, the "Full-Load-of-Fish Song-Bongjuktaryeong" of Jeungsan-gun of South Pyeongan Province and "Full-Load-of-Fish Song-Baechigisory" of Taean-gun of South Chungcheong Province, "Rowing Song" of Nampo City and Ganghwa-gun of Gyeonggi Province are resembled. In neighboring areas, even if the songs of different categorys, sometimes share a same melody. In a certain category, sometimes a same melody is shared to a considerable distance. It was first identified that in anchovy or herring fishing or dybowskii' sand eel fishing, the "Song for Picking Up Fish" is widely shared in the East Sea Coast area.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.245-280
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• 2011

One of the major streams of modern play in Korea is the work of introducing Korea's traditional ritual-'gut' into a play. Such work, together with the stream of diversification of culture, has brought about the tendency to induce 'gut' into a play in a creative way. The research on ritual plays in Korea has been done in the direction of studying the ritual plays in the West centering on the work of theoretically inquiring into histrionic features inhering in 'gut' as a ritual. This research made an analysis of the receptive aspect of rituals and histrionic characteristics presented in Korea plays through "Sanssikgim" and "Ogu" on the basis of the theory of ritual plays established by Artaud. In an effort to understand the receptive aspect of rituals, this research analyzed what forms these Korean works are borrowing from "Ssikgim gut" and "Ogu gut" while analyzing these works differently from the viewpoint of Artaud regarding characteristics of ritual plays. Accordingly, this research made an analysis of the structure and characteristic of "gut" with the aim of understanding in what form "gut" is absorbed into Korean plays by looking at the theatric receptive forms of "gut." The ritual plays in Korea originated in "gut." Likewise, the theater of cruelty by Artaud was greatly influenced by the belly dance stemming from "mudang-gut" in Asia. Accordingly, there is considerably exposed something in common between the ritual play in Korea and Artaud's theater of cruelty. "Gut" in Korea, or ritual plays are a little different from Artaud's work which makes its audience feel unfamiliar in that 'gut' or ritual plays in Korea are pursuing ritualistic quality and playing quality simultaneously, but there exists a similarity between the two in that they both desired to have communication with audiences. This researcher strongly believes that for the time to come, when the receptive aspect of the modern play assuming ritualistic quality is developed using the medium of communication with audiences, purification and play therapy, its direction will be more noticeably exposed.