• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.269-281
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• 2016

This article problematizes and interrogates the idea of 'community' which is increasingly important in Korean urban policy-making. For the purpose, this article scrutinizes, and compares, how ordinary citizen participants and civil society activist organizations in a 'community garden' program of Seoul make sense of, utilize, and practice the policy concept. The neo-Faucauldian perspective of 'governmentality' is employed to understand the association between the community-focused policy program and neoliberalism, but Barnett's( 2005) call for 'bottom-up governmentality' is taken seriously in order to avoid any deterministic interpretation. On the basis of this eclectic perspective on governmentality, this article presents empirical findings that may suggest a contestation over community between ordinary citizens and civil society activists. More specifically, ordinary citizen participants prioritize place-based, on-the-ground community experiences that are built on common cultivation practices, whereas civil society activists tend to consider community garden as a teleological governmental technology generative of particular citizen subjects. Civic community garden advocacy as such aims to address social, economic, and spatial problems that neoliberalsim has produced, but it also appears to be in a close association with neoliberal urban policy. Thus, the community activism's meaningfulness lies in its active intervention to neoliberal urban policy, but a gap between ordinary practical achievements and civic activism can be a potential danger to urban community policy. On the basis of this discussion, this article asks more detailed investigations about the taken-for-granted positivity of urban community (re)vitalization programs, and also examinations on whether and how such projects generates emergent tensions between ordinary achievements and policy prescriptions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.51
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• pp.26-46
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• 2010

This study interprets Cheong-gye-cheon restoration as a process of space production during expansion of capitalism, and performs discourse analysis in order to find out that how media discourse has been related to the production of Cheong-gye-cheon space in each period of historical changes. This paper is particularly concentrating on discovering regulation in discourse which connects people's experiences and perception towards certain ways in the relationship between newly producted space and media discourse. This paper construes the period of 1960s as a process which pre-modern bodies and facilities were changed into modern and urban 'daily life' by practicing a space which splitted in a concept of time efficiency. In 1980s, media represented the facilities which had been constructed at the Cheong-gye-cheon space as a 'disqualified facilities for a center of the city'. This is because, tertiary industries were emerged at the 'Gang-nam' in this period which widen the gap of finance between 'Gang-nam' and 'Gang-Buk'. The government wanted to redevelop this space in order to function accumulating capital efficiently. Therefore shop owners nearby Cheong-gye-cheon were forced to move out. The discourse, 'disqualified facilities for a center of the city', implicates this process. The media discourse in the 2000s produced the 'myth' through the 'signifier' such as artificially flowing water, fine scenery, historical but artificial structure and etc.. However, people can experience symbols of the artificial structures which leads people to the luxurious restaurants, coffee shops, and etc.. Naturally, the spectacles produced by media direct people to the homogeneous pattern of consume. This phenomena can be explained as a process which people practice, intentionally or non-intentionally, the capitalistic mode of production which changed from a period of production to a period of consumption.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.265-289
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• 2018

The word culture itself is very difficult to define. Therefore, in order to confine its meaning, many scholars prefer to attach different prefixes such as inter-, bi-, multi-, cross-, pluri-, trans-, in front of the adjective cultural instead of defining the word culture itself. These prefixes have been used along with about thirty various nouns, ranging from adaptability to training. In this paper, we focused on the adjective intercultural. In fact, this adjective has been widely used, not only in education but also in the communication and philosophy sectors among the world academia discourse. Intercultural Education appeared in America in the 1930s and also in the 1970s in Europe, in order to improve relations between immigrants and the people who received them. Intercultural communication arose in America as a cultural education program for American diplomats and professionals, while interculturalism appeared in the 1970s in Canada as a policy in opposition to multiculturalism. Intercultural philosophy started in 1990s Germany as philosophical speculation against Eurocentrism. As such, the adjective intercultural has been used with a combination of diverse nouns. In regards to this, one can ask the following questions: did the scholars have any kind of agreement during their discussions? Did they communicate and make a positive impact on each other? If not, how can we interpret their common use of the word intercultural? To answer these questions, we tried to compare fives types of intercultural waves of the 20th century, paying particular attention to their time periods, places and backgrounds of appearance, their emphases and shortcomings. Following our research, we found that intercultural waves in the 20th Century have developed independently despite their common use of the word intercultural. Therefore, we concluded that the use of same word intercultural was the result of humankind's effort to approach cultural differences in a positive way in the global village created by internationalization and globalization of the 20th century.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.276-286
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• 2011

Recently, many regional governments and national organizations have propelled public art projects as a part of city regeneration project for improvement of living environment and cultural welfare of neglected regions. It is necessary to think of meaning of the public art project in a context of city regeneration, not only in public art discourse. This paper starts from the question if recent public art projects performed in city of Busan during last 5 year was successful in terms of place marketing. This paper tried to revoke to consider public art project in terms of place marketing because it should be utilized ultimately to activate regional economy for the habitants. First, we reviewed theoretical background regarding definition of public art and place marketing, intended effects of public art project, and place marketing strategy. we elicited an analytical framework and analyzed representative 6 cases of recent public art projects performed in city of Busan in terms of requirements of public art project and viability of place marketing. Discussion of the analysis result suggested implications for the future public art project to direct.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.44-58
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• 2006

This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.5
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• pp.28-37
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• 2013

This research, which sought to conjecture the formation process of tribal landscape while confirming the method and characteristic of place attachment of the Haeju Oh Family, which is rooted within the village and the Yongwon Pavilion and Garden of Gohak-ri, Mari-myeon, Geochang-gun, Gyeongnam, reached the following conclusion based on the interpretation and analysis of cultural and scenic elements such as the names and sculptures nearby the village and Yongwon Pavilion and Garden. This place is where Goohwagong Oh Sue, a Haeju person, settled down. This is also where his descendants were refined while yearning for their ancestors. The Yongwon Pavilion was established in 1964. It can be sufficiently known that this place was managed and maintained as a garden-like place where the spirit of yearning was shared and which was the basis of the life and entertainment of descendants after being the monumental place for Master Oh Guhwa, through stories, documents, nearby facilities, and writings on many rocks. It is clear that the meaning of 'Bang-Hak(訪鶴) and Jung-Hak (停鶴)' which is carved in many places around this area and Gohak-ri, which symbolizes the Hakbong(crane peak), the vein of Wonjak-dong which is one of the Ahneuisamdong(three outstanding scenic places of Ahneui), is a scenic language explaining the ecological settlement and lives of the Haeju Oh Family. When considering the definition of a sense of place as "a 'social device' made by discussions and practice rather than its existing as a substance," the many structures scattered around the village, Yongwon Pavilion Garden, and nearby designations show the monumental place inheritance of tribal group clearly exhibiting the characteristics of a Korean sense of place. Ever since Guhwagon Oh Sue settled down in Guhak-ri, the tribal group of Haeju Oh Family went through a life settlement phase and landscape formation phase by realizing the sense of place. Afterwards, while yearning for ancestors and repeatedly rooting down in the place, territoriality expanded and the place was reproduced. In particular, timber houses and monuments were constructed during the Japanese Colonization Period, and after independence, the Yongwon Pavilion was constructed through place reproduction, and monumental tribal landscape is currently being expressed in various forms to this day. Thus, allowing to reach the conclusion of 'Tribal Landscape of Gohak-ri, Mari-myeong, Geochang-gun,' which we perceive today. The products of territorial expansion formed by the repeating phenomenon of place rootedness and place attachment by tribal groups are in fact the substance of tribal landscape. Through such, it is possible to confirm the true spirit of place attachment and the earnest interest and affection of descendants towards a unique place that is repeatedly constructed and inherited within the group memory.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.295-314
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• 2010

The paper attempts to balance the discourses of transnational spaces that have focused on de-territorialization, by emphasizing that transnational spaces are maintained also through re-territorialization. Reviewing the literature of transnational social fields, translocality, multicultural spaces and transnational places, I aim to show the way the main issues from the literature help understand an actually existing transnational space, Little Mania in Daehangno, Seoul. I specifically address the dialectic relation between de-territorialization and re-territorialization, multi-scalar networks, and hybridity of multicultural spaces in interpreting the weekend enclave of Filipinos in Seoul. I argues that Little Manila is a grounded translocality operating through multi-scaled networks of various actors. Furthermore, it is not a unified space where one dominant Filipino identity stands out. Different Filipinos and Filipinas constitute the space imagining different homes. It is also a multicultural space open to other minorities, which suggests the possibility of alternative spatial politics based on co-presence of different 'Others'.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.27
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• pp.89-118
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• 2011

This paper considers the relationship between memory and archives by exploring the concepts and meaning of archivist and archival description. The author considers the metaphor of archives as memory and relates our understanding of creation, arrangement, preservation, description, and use of records and archives. The author argues that archivists demonstrate their knowledge and background when they organizing and preserving records and archives.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.2 s.119
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• pp.196-217
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• 2007

During the last decade, Los Angeles Koreatown experienced unprecedented changes transforming it from an immigrant ethnic enclave into a transnational economic space. Alongside of the city government's redevelopment plans and local Korean Americans' grass-root efforts to regenerate Koreatown, transnational Korean actors have aggressively invested in property as well as business sectors. However, despite these multi-scaled geographic transitions, Koreatown remains one of the poorest and most crime-infested inner-city communities in the City of Los Angeles. This paper, based on a 'place-based' bottom-up approach, investigates contradictory geographies of Koreatown in which multi-scaled network of hegemonic transnational, urban and local development actors has developed representational, unlived economies. This research points out that the recent urban regeneration of Koreatown has not only excluded but also exploited local community members such as transnational Korean/Latino workers in the area. This paper conclusively suggests that the sustainable future of Koreatown's development would stem from place-based community consciousness that crisscrosses racial and ethnic boundaries.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.313-317
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• 2019

Installation art is another methodology of modern art appeared in 1970's. Installation art does not seek for a particular ideology or specific form to express, but rather it endeavors to produce a work produced by mutiful media convergence and integration. Therefore, this leads to inspire new cognition on ordinary places. Installaton art is strongly related with public art in terms of most works are to be exhibited. Thus from this point of view, installation art contains public art which aims to better communication among people, nature and artificial things. Eventually, temporary installation art contains communication and convergence of people and object in public places.