• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.45-82
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• 2017

This paper aims at concrete examination of the 'Official Road(官路)' of the late Joseon Dynasty through government administration of the 17th - 18th century 'Junsangseo(典牲署)'. Until now, the study of the central political system in the Joseon Dynasty was mainly studied by the politically important bureaucrat 'Dangsanggwan(堂上官)', and even if he studied the 'Official Road(官路)', he was a student from the a graduate of Mungwa(文科) and the 'Clean and imfortant Official(淸要職)' connected with it It was examined mainly. As a result, this research attempts to elucidate the routes of 'non - Clean and imfortant Official(非淸要職)' who have not been studied so far. However, it is difficult to deal with all the 'lower officials(參下官)' reaching 263 in total, so it was targeted at the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' where the 'List of official(先生案)' exists in the 17th - 18th century. In chapter 2, we examined the historical value of 'List of official(先生案)' and were able to secure the confidence of the materials. In Chapter 3, we specifically examined the origins of officials from the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)', the official route, and the occupation. As a result, the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' 'lower officials(參下官)' was predominantly from the 'Munum(門蔭)'. In addition, I confirmed that I was stepping on a public road that roughly promoted one rank. The number of days in office has also been promoted satisfying the court occupation days. Although this is an analysis limited to 'Junsangseo(典牲署)', it seems that 'lower officials(參下官)' of 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' had gone through routes and routes that were roughly similar to the 'lower officials' of the main office. If we can assume this, we can understand the character of the late Joseon Dynasty 'lower officials(參下官)' by understanding the character of 'lower officials(參下官)' of 'Junsangseo(典牲署)'. To declare this, more case analysis is necessary, and it is necessary to convert a lot of 'List of official(先生案)' data scattered nationwide into DB.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.243-272
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• 2022

Jeongeup, Jeollabuk-do, is an area that requires attention from those who study the history of Korean thought. In addition, Jeongeup is an area wherein many works were recorded for the first time in literary history. This is the case with Jeongeupsa as a style of Baekje songs and the lyrics of the noble families of the Joseon Dynasty, Sangchungok. Jeongeup is likewise the location where Choi Chi-won (857~?) was selected to serve as a local taesu (viceroy) and where a unique tradition of music and style were passed down. In this paper, the relationship between Choi Chi-won's role in the process of establishing a silent Confucian academy in Jeongeup and the emergence of scholar culture was examined. When Choi Chi-won left after his term in office, a birth shrine called Taesansa Temple was built to repay the selection of the villagers, and it became the source that led to the opening of the Confucian academy Museongseowon in the future. Jeongeup will be shown to be the location where Choi Chi-won realized his aspirations and honed his capabilities. In particular, Choi Chi-won's played a crucial role in the mid-Joseon Dynasty by supporting the construction and securing the name of Museongseowon. That is why Choi Chi-won was able to be revived as a symbolic figure in the region. In addition, it can be seen that the shape of Choi Chi-won was more sedentary- in the form of a Confucian scholar- and Confucian scholars emphasized the transfer of portraits at Museongseowon. Through the poetry written by Choi Chi-won, readers can learn about the worries and perceptions of scholars during those times. Although his value in the field of poetry is diverse, he can especially be recognized as a Confucian intellectual. In a large number of his works, he expresses his anxiety, agony, and critical inner consciousness all of which came from his encounter with the realities of his time. In fact, Choi Chi-won showed his qualities as a prominent literary figure of his time who had extraordinary aspirations and an admirable work ethic. However, he failed to overcome his regional and mental alienation as a poet in neighboring countries. Therefore, he internalized a sort of fierceness in terms of his perception of the world. However, it seems that it was rather a factor that made his work exhibit a strong lyrical style. In addition, Choi Chi-won's collection of writings includes a number of works that strongly criticized various forms of pathological phenomena caused by terminal phenomena of the time. He also highlighted the wrong in society by realistically depicting the lives poor and needy people and their eventual sacrifice via distorted relationships. This can be read encapsulating the agony of intellectuals of that time. The dictionary definition of a 'Confucian scholar' is "a Confucian term referring to a person or class that embodies Confucian ideology," and in its contemporary meaning it suggests " ⋯ an example of a personality, but not an identity, and the conscience of one's time period as a source of human morality inwardly and social order outwardly." In this respect, it could even be said that Choi Chi-won could be considered the originator of scholar culture.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.187-198
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• 2020

With the cultural background of whiteness I did examine the universal meaning of absolute good, the special of psychosis, and the fantastic of femininity and memory/record. As an example I analyzed the symbolic meaning of white used in Korean films. Unconditional goodness, white as a generality: White color in all the films of good-evil confrontation falls into this category. The most obvious and the simplest configuration are the black-white dichotomy. In Nameless Gangster: Rules of Time(2011), The Merciless(2016), Asura: The City of Madness(2016) and The Bad Guys: Reign of Chaos(2019), white is the absolute good but it is not limited to a fair key figure. Paradoxically, black is not given only to the side of absolute evil. White is used to be a flexible visual device that reflects the socio-political situation without changing the meaning of the general good. Psychosis and pills, white as a peculiarity: The visual function that emphasizes sado-masochism in the absolute good and the universal symbol of white extends to psychotic specificities such as hysteria. In all the films creating horror, white symbolizes the mentally disabled and the pill for healing. Femininity and haunted white: White of absolute good is expressed by the socio-cultural tendency of femininity and the black-white contrast of vision is applied to the gender difference. In general the women's sexuality is emphasized in color red, but white is arranged in the background. In TaeGukGi: Brotherhood Of War(2004), 71: Into The Fire(2010), My Way(2011), The Front Line(2011), Roaring Currents(2014), Northern Limit Line(2015), The Battle: Roar to Victory(2019) and Battle of Jangsari(2019), white given to female figures sticks to the traditional femininity such as motherhood, sacrifice and weakness. The concept of specters is applied to desires, memories/records, history, fantasy, virtual/reality and social media images. The film history capturing to list memories and moments brings up the specters of socio-political genealogy. Most of films aiming for socio-political change are its examples and white constituting Mise-en-scene records to remember a historical event in Peppermint Candy(2000), The Attorney(2013) and A Taxi Driver(2017).

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.219-255
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• 2020

This article was triggered by Victor H. Mair's book 'Painting and performance'. The book explained that Buddhist paintings are common in the area where Buddhism was spread, and there are also performances using them. And although it has nothing to do with Buddhism, it has been shown that this form of performance can be global. However, the problem was not 'Korea'. It was because there was no record or transmission of the corresponding performance soon. In this situation, the landing method of Samcheok stable temple was announced in 2018. On the one hand, the academic community is very pleased, but on the other hand, it is troubled. The worries are summed up as 'synchronic and diachronic universality'. Is the landing method inherited from the Samcheok stable temple a unique type of temple? Otherwise, it is a question of whether it has been passed down or is it universal at the national level. However, prior to this essential question, we do not yet know the full picture of the stable landing method. So this article was prepared to show the overall outline of the stable landing method. There is a 'picture' in common throughout the landing method, and understanding how to operate it in various ways is the first step in understanding the landing method. There are five repertoires (which are called main halls) that are considered important, and more than that. What these repertoires have in common is the narrative structure of a Buddhist character. In this narrative, the most important thing is the revised figure, and it was the earthly method to inform the contents of the revised figure in various ways. In the case of Byeonsangdo, which serves as a clue to the narrative, there was a problem that could not be seen in the evening without light, which required special design. It is the way of shadow play and Yeongdeung. In other words, there are three types of performances in the landing method. The first is the method of using reparation, and the second is the method of using shadow. The third is the way of eternity. This method is not a selection based on the contents of the repertoire, but a selection based on the performance environment. If there is light and you can see the picture, use reparation. However, in the evening, it was impossible to see it dark (when there was no electricity in the past). The use of the visual method as a tool in this method is to confirm the transition to a visual culture that is a step further from the level of culture. Moreover, unlike the epic narrative, the power of the implied image provided an opportunity for viewers to experience the mystery of Buddhism through emotional stimulation.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.29
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• pp.1-32
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• 2023

The Paintings of a 60^th Wedding Anniversary Ceremony Created by an Unknown Painter (Deoksu 6375), housed by the National Museum of Korea, is a five-panel painting book depicting scenes from a wedding ceremony. Hoehonrye is a type of repeated wedding ceremony to commemorate a couple's 60th wedding anniversary with congratulations from the community. The paintings of the book record five scenes from the wedding: jeoninrye, a ceremony where the groom brings a wooden wild goose to the bride's house; gyoberye, the groom and the bride bowing to each other; heosurye, pouring liquor to toast to the couple's longevity; jeopbin, offering tea to guests; and a banquet to celebrates the couple's 60th wedding anniversary. The book describes figures, buildings and a variety of items in detail with delicate brushstrokes. The techniques were examined using microscopy, infrared, and X-ray irradiation and hyperspectral imaging analysis. The invisible parts were examined to identify the rough sketch and distinguish pigments and dyes used for each color. The components of the pigments were determined by X-ray fluorescence analysis, while the dyes were identified by UV-vis spectrometry. Microscope observation revealed that the fabric used for the paintings was raw silk thread with almost no fiber twist, and plain silk fabric. Hyperspectral imaging analysis, X-ray fluorescence analysis, and UV-vis spectrometry confirmed that the white pigment was white lead and the black was chinese ink. The red pigments were using red clay, cinnabar, and a mixture of cinnabar and minium. Brown was made using red clay and organic dyes, and yellow using gamboge. Green was identified as indigo, malachite, chrome green, barium sulfide, and blue as azurite, smalt, and indigo. The purple dye was estimated as a mixture of indigo and cochineal, and gold parts were used gold powder. Hyperspectral images were distinguished parts damaged and conservation treatment area.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.88
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• pp.103-122
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• 2013

This paper aims to study on conceptual suitability or unfitness of Silhak(實學). It is general that by criticizing Chujahak(朱子學) or beyond the limitation of Seonglihak(性理學), Silhak has developed practical tendency to reforming the society in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty, related to the context of Korean national reflection in modern times. However, it is unfortunate to be understood. As presented in Chosenwangjosillok(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), there has been a few usages in the term 'Silhak'. In short, it was different from its contemporary meaning. At that time, it was usually used to have the meaning of Gyunghak(經學), compared to Sajanghak(詞章學), or rarely, of 'the true study' or 'the practical study'. Therefore, it is to claim that its conception has been manipulated or exaggerated very seriously. Since 1930s, in particular, its conception has been misused in interpreting works of Jung Yak-Yong by some scholars, such as Jung In-Bo, Moon Il-Pyung and An Jae-Hong, who tried to apply the term to overcome the Japanese colonial era symbolised as modernity based on the future life of Korea. Even though their attempt has led to have crucial discussions on the conceptions of Silhak, it has an unnecessary result that there has been a new and totally different understanding of Silhak in South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, etc., which means that the unsustainable conception of Silhak has been one of major problems in studying of Silhak. To give an practical solution, I would try to make sense of 'time spirit' whose scholars studied Silhak in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty. A problem, however, is that a scholar group in the name of Bukhakpa(北學派) had certain links and bonds. This is because many scholars studying of Silhak were usually features out of the main stream, which made them it difficult to form any various groups. That is to say, it seems to be natural that they have dreamed of utopian imaginations less than of overlapping points in reality. To sum up, it would be concluded at least that any approach to human lives and thoughts in the given conceptions of Silhak, e.g. ethical thoughts of Silhak, enables us to be indifferentiated to take its true meaning and time spirit of Chosen Dynasty. To be disenchanted of its social roles in Chosen Dynasty, fundamentally, it should be escaped from the wrong net of illusions and sings in understanding Silhak in certain eclectic steps.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.255-280
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• 2010

Zhang Bo-duan compiled about internal alchemy in Taoism. Although he lived in the mundane world, he wished to seek theory on neidan of Taoism(internal alchemy). After finding enlightenment, he elucidated that the enlightenment was a state of rising above world not needed to leave the world. After ages, he was admired as the founder of Taoism in Southern school and his Oh Jin Peon which contents internal alchemy was considered seriously to have more than 30 people who annotated with it until Ch'ing Empire. At his age of 80, he met the real person who gave him theory on neidan of Taoism(internal alchemy), its preface tells that he organized its main point, and then wrote Oh Jin Peon with it in 1075. Generally Zhang Bo-duan was known to leave three books as Oh Jin Peon, Guem Dan Sa Baek Ja, and Cheung Hwa Bi Mun, most of critics have been studying on the basis of them. However, it is not correct whether all of them is his writings and there is not exact analysis but simple belief about it. I think accuracy and details are indispensible in philosophical approach. The study not having verification about primary data is no more than a visionary projet which soon collapses. So the purpose of this study is adding the detail analysis on it and making its exact basis of philosophical approach. Zhang Bo-duan over his age of 80, became enlightened, in his old age handed down his student the secret as a record and theory on neidan of Taoism(internal alchemy). And not in his living but after his dying his status was soared. Because of his high status in internal alchemy Taoism, it seems that there are more interest in it and some published books which just leave his name. In this study, I accept Oh Jin Peon as a his real writing among unsure his writings and criticize systematically and classify its characteristics. And I demonstrate that Guem Dan Sa Baek Ja, Cheung Hwa Bi Mun couldn't be his real writings, these could be forgeries by posterity, with proposing some basis of the argument.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.18
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• pp.169-190
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• 2009

Today, the rapid advance of scientific technologies has brought about fundamental changes to the types and levels of terrorism while the war against the world more than one thousand small and big terrorists and crime organizations has already begun. A method highly likely to be employed by terrorist groups that are using 21st Century state of the art technology is cyber terrorism. In many instances, things that you could only imagine in reality could be made possible in the cyber space. An easy example would be to randomly alter a letter in the blood type of a terrorism subject in the health care data system, which could inflict harm to subjects and impact the overturning of the opponent's system or regime. The CIH Virus Crisis which occurred on April 26, 1999 had significant implications in various aspects. A virus program made of just a few lines by Taiwanese college students without any specific objective ended up spreading widely throughout the Internet, causing damage to 30,000 PCs in Korea and over 2 billion won in monetary damages in repairs and data recovery. Despite of such risks of cyber terrorism, a great number of Korean sites are employing loose security measures. In fact, there are many cases where a company with millions of subscribers has very slackened security systems. A nationwide preparation for cyber terrorism is called for. In this context, this research will analyze the current status of Korea's cyber security systems and its laws from a policy perspective, and move on to propose improvement strategies. This research suggests the following solutions. First, the National Cyber Security Management Act should be passed to have its effectiveness as the national cyber security management regulation. With the Act's establishment, a more efficient and proactive response to cyber security management will be made possible within a nationwide cyber security framework, and define its relationship with other related laws. The newly passed National Cyber Security Management Act will eliminate inefficiencies that are caused by functional redundancies dispersed across individual sectors in current legislation. Second, to ensure efficient nationwide cyber security management, national cyber security standards and models should be proposed; while at the same time a national cyber security management organizational structure should be established to implement national cyber security policies at each government-agencies and social-components. The National Cyber Security Center must serve as the comprehensive collection, analysis and processing point for national cyber crisis related information, oversee each government agency, and build collaborative relations with the private sector. Also, national and comprehensive response system in which both the private and public sectors participate should be set up, for advance detection and prevention of cyber crisis risks and for a consolidated and timely response using national resources in times of crisis.