• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.67-90
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• 2018

France has allowed a deprivation of nationality for terrorism since 1996 Law. After then, a series of law revision (1998, 2006 law and 2010, 2015-2015 reform tries) have not only linked an act of terror with nationality deprivation but also put the dual national and their deprivation at the centre of dispute. Both 2010 Immigration Law by Sarkozy and 2015-2016 constitutional amendment by Hollande had been not adopted but have combined immigrants and security issue together by firmly solidifying the relationship between dual national and terrorist. Especially in 2015-2016, the constitutional amendment that failed to be adopted has extended a state of emergency and left the nationality deprivation of dual national as controversial issue. After over 4 months of discussion, the amendment that contains a clause of a state of emergency and extension plan for nationality deprivation was abolished but the dual national issues which had been non-politicized has now become politicized, defined as security issues and finally securitized. It shows very two-stage process of securitization argued by Copenhagen school including Buzan. The importance of securitization notion by Copenhagen school lies on the fact that it scrutinizes the constructive elements of the process of securitization. The concept of securitization allows us to see the problem of the process that defines a non-politicized issue as security one by making it political matter. Applying this process of securitization into the controversy of nationality deprivation of dual nationals in France, we can find out the development of non-controversial and non-politicized dual national issues into social agenda by politicization through speech-act or announcement effect.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.109-128
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to consider the appearance of the global generation transnational identity and forming process, existence aspect, functional role, and on the actuating mechanism, and etc. The results about the transnational identity of Diaspora and diversity are as follows. First, as to the transnational identity, the emigrants had been being determined by the relation with the accreditation and how type had been deal with one's decision about the self-identify. Second, the individual experience of the emigrant, interaction, and unstable status political support etc. various factors were combined and the diversity of the Diaspora identity showed. Third, the identity concept had been performing the function in the more expanded meaning called the nation and nation through the continuous meaning expansion than the individual as the national ideology. Fourth, the transnational identity of Korean-Chinese was specialized into the nation identity, double identity, and 'the identity of the third' etc. Fifth, the transnational identity of the Nikkei-Brazilian appeared for Japanese identity, Brazilian identity, and Nikkeijin identity etc. in Japan. In conclusion, the Transnational identity of the Diaspora is reproducing the identity of the emigrant, it suggests through the differentiation in the settlement and exclusion.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.53-73
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to investigate social distance and attitude toward migrants's citizenship in Korea, a society with increasing cultural diversity. Using data from the 'Multiculturalism and Social Integration Survey' conducted by Academy of Korean Studies in 2008, this study analyzes three main issues: social distance between Koreans and foreigners, perception of the bases of national identity, and attitude toward migrants' citizenship and the causal factors of the attitude. The results show that social distances between Koreans and African Blacks/Arabs are significantly larger than those between Koreans and other ethnic or racial groups. But the relatively large social distances between Koreans and South-East Asians/North Korean defectors poses a more serious challenge to Korean society, since South-East Asians and North Korean defectors have comprised ever bigger part of migrants in Korea. The civil element is found to be more important base of national identity than the cultural or the ethnic bases, and there exists a strong negative attitude toward dual nationality. The results of regression analysis suggest that the potential of global citizenship for migrants will be realized by expanding universalism for basic human rights and awareness of the civil base of national identity on the one hand, and by minimizing the strong belief in ethnic homogeneity and the negative attitude toward dual nationality on the other hand.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.13-36
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• 2012

This paper is to reconsider comprehensively and systematically major issues on transnational immigrants, increased rapidly since the beginning of the 1990s, and their impacts on socio-spatial changes in S. Korea. Foreign immigrants who have moved on the contexts of unevenness of globalization and advancces in transport & telecommunication technology on the global level and of economic development and shortage of cheap and unskilled workers have been distributed unevenly, concentrating on the Capital region and local areas with industrial complexes. Foreign workers seems to have some negative influences on regional economies in the long-term, though positive in the short-term. Domestic people seem to have an ambivalent attitude which accepts necessity of multi-culture, while simultaneously continues to be self-confident on ethnic homogeneity. The Korean government has launched multicultural policies for foreign immigrants by the mid-2000, but still continues some policies with assimilationism and differential exclusionism, marginalizing them socio-spatially, while lacking local government's policy and programmes. In conclusion, in order to resolve these problems and to transfer multicultural societal space of Korea, a geography of transnational migration which promotes especially discourse and policy with authentic multiculturalism, extending roles of local government, and ensuring glocal citizenships.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.166-191
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• 2012

This paper investigates how the agent specificity of economic infrastructure-related public company proceeds in overseas investments. At first this paper examines general features focused on investment region, project type, starting year, and then analyzes overseas investments based on specific cases with three classifications which are composed of special consulting type that do not accompany capital investment, FDI type, and type of overseas energy resources development that go with capital investment and business risk. Finally nationality issues that is generated by agent characteristics of infrastructure public company are interpreted in perspective of duality which is financial pressure and dependency of host county's position, and relationship with private capital of home country.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.308-316
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• 2024

Maintaining the appropriate number of national seafarers is essential for securing the competitiveness of maritime industry and security in Korea. However, the number of national seafarers in Korea has been decreased continuously recently. The government recognizes the repercussion of this issue and has been attempting to solve it. One of the most significant reasons contributing to the rapid decrease in national seafarers is presumed to be the high initial turnover rate due to the decreased preference for maritime careers among people in the 20s and 30s. Therefore, plans have been devised to prepare various policies that allow young people to select long-term boarding. This study analyzed the determinants of long-term boarding decisions among students enrolled in the Maritime College of 'M' University and verifies the relationship with the desired boarding period. Additionally, the crew composition (CC), long-term planning (LP), work environment (WE), and family environment (FE) were derived as the determinants of long-term boarding recognized by prospective seafarers. Among them, LP and WE significantly affect the desired boarding period, thus suggesting that the stronger the perception toward long-term planning and the more insensitive one is to the work environment, the longer is the desired boarding period. In terms of group differences in the perception of long-term boarding, analysis results show that the several determinants of long-term boarding are recognized differently depending on gender. This study may facilitate the preparation of factors and group-specific policy measures to promote long-term boarding among prospective seafarers.

• Journal of Korean Society of Transportation
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.33-42
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• 2010

Recently, the reduction of greenhouse gases(GHG) for climate change is the most important international issue. In order to control efficiency GHG emission rate reduction, it is essential to establish GHG emission inventory preferentially. The emission of ships that are emitting its $CO_2$ in international waters is becoming chief among the issues which country is put under an obligation. In the IMO reports, shipping is estimate to emit 1,046million tonnes of $CO_2$, which corresponds to 3.3% of global emission during 2007. International shipping is estimated to have emitted 870 million tonnes, about 2.7% of global emission of $CO_2$ in 2007. In this study, the general information of GHG emission, based on fuel consumption statistic, Tier 1, and the emission inventory is calculated to break down in to domestic and international emission. The GHG emission from ships in Korea was total 31,646 Gg $CO_2$-eq in 2009, which is included fishing, Korea flag coastal ship, Korea flag ocean going ship and foreign flag ships. And domestic emission and international emission was 5,398Gg $CO_2$-eq, 7,630Gg $CO_2$-eq and foreign flag ship was 18,618Gg $CO_2$-eq respectively.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.3-42
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• 2011

This study aims to analyze the characteristics of transnational cigarette companies' strategies to expand the female market in Korea after the market opening of 1988. Focusing on 'Virginia Slims' and 'Finesse', which are the PM and BAT's representative female brands, this study explores whether their typical advertising strategies were transformed in Korean market. After 3years from the market opening, 'Virginia Slims' gave up its brand identity and the strategy was so successful that 'Virginia Slims' continued to be 2nd best-selling brand in the imported cigarette market in Korea. In contrast, 'Finesse' maintained a typical women's cigarette image during the 1990s and consequently occupied the highest brand awareness as a female cigarette but lower market share than Virginia Slims. TTCs adapted to a doubly obstructed Korea market with its strong taboo against female smoking and a comparatively stronger legal ban on all cigarette ads targeting women. However, diverse indirect cigarette ads and promotions, which circumvented regulations, suggest that ads transforming was not to give up Korean female customers. Furthermore, the cigarette ads that the soft and mild taste of female brands are associated with healthy image rather than gendered image may appeal to Korean women without touching their emotions and desires.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.52 no.10
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• pp.1119-1126
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• 2009

Purpose:This study compares the maternal characteristics and birth outcomes of infants of Asian immigrant mothers from developing countries with those of the infants of Korean mothers. Methods:In this multicenter and retrospective study, Asian immigrant women who had delivered between January 2005 and June 2008 were enrolled from9 Medical Centers. In all, 333 births to Asian immigrant women from developing countries (Asian-Korean infants) were included in this study. In addition, sex-, birth year-, and gestational age-matched 333 neonates born to Korean mothers were selected as the control group (Korean infants). On the basis of the hospital data, we investigated the nationality, age, and medical history of the mothers and compared the incidence of congenital infection, Apgar score, weight, height, and head circumference of Asian-Korean infants with those of the Korean infants. Results:The average maternal age of Asian women from developing countries at birth term was 26.7 years, which was significantly lower than that of Korean women (30.8 years, P<0.05). The birth weight of Asian-Korean infants (2,869 g) was significantly smaller than that of Korean infants (2,995 g, P<0.05). There was a significant difference in the incidence of congenital syphilis infection between the Asian-Korean infants and Korean infants (5 cases vs. 0 case, P<0.05). Conclusion:There were significant differences in the perinatal outcomes between the Korean and Asian-Korean infants. A multicenter large-scaled study should be performed to analyze the perinatal outcomes of Asian-Korean infants.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.5 s.110
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• pp.473-490
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• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.