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The Current Status and Prospect of Presidential Records Management (대통령기록관리의 현황과 전망)

  • Zoh, Young-Sam
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.21
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    • pp.283-322
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    • 2009
  • Legislation and enforcement of the Presidential Records Management Law was an important turning point in Korean archival management history. In the past, the notion of presidential records was vague. The law was a starting point of establishing presidential records management. The Presidential Records Management Law provides the definition of presidential records and its scope, and establishes the protection of presidential records through restricted access to the records. The key to the law is to enable a president freely to produce records and transfer them to the next administration without omission. In other words, it aims to stop the practice that presidential records are produced but never be left. But, 'disputes over the release of presidential records' and the disclosing of access-restricted presidential records presented a crisis to national records management as well as the prospect of presidential records management, even if they were 'legal procedures.' The instability of presidential records management could give a serious impact on the national records management and its operation. Amid this situation, it is required to review the presidential records management system and provide recommendations for improvement, even if the enforcement of law has just started. The most urgent things in improving presidential records management are to secure its independence, specialty, and to complement restricted access to presidential records. For securing independency, presidential records management should be done by a separate organization other than the National Archives of Korea while for promoting specialty, a newly established organization could serve as a professional archive. And for complementing restricted access to the presidential records, the access should be more limited. In other words, more discretion is needed in permitting access. And more specific regulations should be applied to the permitted records. However, these regulatory actions may not have effects unless independency is not secured. Thus, more fundamentally, independency of the National Archives of Korea should be first established.

Decreased Nocturnal Blood Pressure Dipping in Patients with Periodic Limb Movements in Sleep (수면중 주기성 사지 운동에서 나타나는 야간 혈압 강하의 감소)

  • Lee, Mi Hyun;Choi, Jae-Won;Oh, Seong Min;Lee, Yu Jin
    • Sleep Medicine and Psychophysiology
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.51-57
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    • 2018
  • Objectives: Previous studies have shown that periodic limb movements in sleep (PLMS) could be one of risk factors for cardiovascular morbidity. The purpose of this study was to investigate the association between PLMS and blood pressure changes during sleep. Methods: We analyzed data from 358 adults (176 men and 182 women) aged 18 years and older who were free from sleep apnea syndrome (Respiratory Disturbance Index < 5) and sleep disorders such as REM sleep behavior disorder or narcolepsy. Demographic characteristics, polysomnography records, and clinical variable data including blood pressure, body mass index, alcohol, smoking, and current medications were collected. In addition, self-report questionnaires including the Beck Depression Index, Epworth Sleepiness Scale and Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index were completed. Blood pressure change from bedtime to awakening was compared between the two periodic limb movement index (PLMI) groups [low PLMI ($PLMI{\leq}15$) and high PLMI (PLMI > 15)]. Blood pressure change patterns were compared using repeated measures analysis of variance. Results: Systolic blood pressure in the high PLMI group was lower than that in the low PLMI group (p = 0.036). These results were also significant when adjusted for gender and age, but were not statistically significant when adjusted for BMI, alcohol, smoking, anti-hypertension medication use and sleep efficiency (p = 0.098). Systolic blood pressure dropped by 9.7 mm Hg in the low PLMI group, and systolic blood pressure in the high PLMI group dropped by 2.9 mm Hg. There was a significant difference in delta systolic blood pressure after sleep between the two groups in women when adjusted for age, BMI, alcohol, smoking, antihypertensive medication use and sleep efficiency (p = 0.023). Conclusion: PLMS was significantly associated with a decreasing pattern in nocturnal BP during sleep, and this association remained significant in women when adjusted for age, BMI, alcohol, smoking, antihypertension medication use and sleep efficiency related to blood pressure. We suggest that PLMS may be associated with cardiovascular morbidity.

A Study on the Locations of Jagiso and Dogiso in Najumok Recorded in the 'Sejongsylrok Jiliji' (『세종실록(世宗實錄)』 「지리지(地理志)」 나주목(羅州牧)의 자기소(磁器所)·도기소(陶器所) 위치 연구)

  • Sung, Yun-gil
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.4-37
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    • 2019
  • Buncheong Ware, which was produced for approximately 200 years from the end of the Goryeo Dynasty to the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty, was used for royal house and state affairs during the early Joseon Dynasty. Records of Buncheong Ware can be found with Jagiso and Dogiso, considered the place of production, in the 'Sejongsylrok jiliji'. This is notable, unlike celadon and white porcelain. However, compared to Gyeongsangnam-do and Gyeongsangbuk-do, the study of Jagiso and Dogiso in Jeollanam-do and Jeollabuk-do has been unsatisfactory. In this paper, we examined the locations of Jagiso and Dogiso in the Jeollanam-do prefecture. This study is focused on Najumok, located in the western part of Jeollanam-do. The following research results were obtained: First, the locations of Jagiso and Dogiso in nine areas were examined. These nine areas comprised Najumok and its immediate provinces of Haejingun, Yeongamgun, Yeonggwanggun, Hampyeonghyeon, Muanhyeon, Gochanghyeon, Heungdeokhyeon and Jangseonghyeon. Previous research results exist for some of the regions; however, only Buncheong Ware was used to estimate Jagiso and Dogiso. In this paper, we tried to discover a more accurate position of Jagiso and Dogiso through a comparison of the place names recorded in the 'Sejongsylrok jiliji' and the place names recorded in the 'Hoguchoungsu'. Also, pottery-related area names and Buncheong Ware obtained from the field survey were reviewed. Table 2 shows the specific positions of Jagiso and Dogiso in the areas examined. Second, it would appear that pottery was produced not only in Jagiso but also in Dogiso. This is because much of Buncheong Ware was unearthed in Najumok, Yeongamgun, and Muanhyeon Dogiso. However, it was only excavated from the Buncheong Kiln Site in Yucheon Village, Sangweol-ri, Yeongam-gun; there could be limitations regarding to the rest of the areas because only a field survey was conducted, not an excavation. A recent excavation at Donggok Village in Cheongdo-ri, Gimje also confirmed a Buncheong Kiln Site. There were two Buncheong Ware ('公', '上') artifacts excavated from the site, believed to be Gongnapjagi. In addition, Cheongdo-ri, where the Buncheong Kiln Site is located, was found to be an area in Wurimgokmyeon, a former Wurimgok at a Dogiso in Jeonjubu. Consequently, it would seem that Dogiso also produced porcelain (Buncheong Ware). If more data can be obtained from the excavations at sites considered to be Dogiso, the results of Dogiso-related research will be strengthened. Third, in previous surveys, field surveys and excavation surveys were based on estimates using artifacts, but the name of the location of the Jagiso and Dogiso may be confirmed more accurately by tracking the changes in the names of the administrative areas. Therefore, although it is important to conduct research using the results of surveys or excavations, changes in the place names or places related to porcelain must not be overlooked.

Mohist's Idea of YiLi and Jianai (묵가의 의리관(義利觀)과 겸애(兼愛))

  • Lee, Taesung;Yun, Muhak
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.67
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    • pp.297-325
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    • 2017
  • In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

Military Activity and Combat in Hapcheon Area during the Imjin Invasion Period (임진왜란시기 합천지역의 의병 활동과 전투)

  • Kwak, Nak-hyun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.70
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    • pp.257-301
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of the study is to examine righteous army activity and combat in Hapcheon during the Imjin invasion period. The resulting conclusions are as follows. First, Chung In-hong raised a righteous army in Hapcheon and Kim Myeon raised an army in Goryeong. Chung In-hong commanded the army and fought against Japanese army with a leadership of knowing the enemy and himself, and Kim Myeon commanded the army and fought against Japanese military with a leadership of harmony. Second, battles of Chung In-hong's righteous army are the first Mugye battle, the ambush battle in Sawon-dong, the Chogye Majin battle, the Aneon battle, and the third Seongju Castle battle. Battles of Kim Myeon's righteous army are the Yeongang battle, the Gaesanpo battle, the second Mugye battle, the Ucheok-hyeon battle, the Jirye battle, and the Sarangam battle. Battles that Chung In-hong and Kim Myeon united and fought are the first and second Seongju Castle battles. In Jeongyu Jaeran, Chung In-hong played a role of Jodosa who takes charge of provisions in the right area of Gyeongsang. In addition, Hapcheon was the access road and transport route where Japanese army entered Jeolla-do. Third, participation and role of Ming troops are part of restraint device against Japanese army with military tactics of ii chei(using foreigners to control foreigners) to remove Japanese army from Joseon and defend Yodong. After a victory of Li Rusong in Pyeongyang Castle in January, 1593(the 26th year of Seongjo), Ming troops pursued practical interest through peace talks rather than active battles. When there was practically Siege of Jinju, Yujeong troops of Ming entered with hand-to-hand martial arts of Sacheon soldiers in late June, 1593, but did not participate because they should wait for orders of Gyeongnyak Song Eung-chang and Admiral Li Rusong. Fourth, in the Imjin invasion period, Joseon suffered terrible damage such as ruin of the whole country by invasion of Japanese army and in need of aid of military rice from Ming troops, but righteous armies and the royal forces in each area cooperated so defeated Japanese army. It is understood through a case of Hapcheon in the right area of Gyeongsang. Especially, Joseon did not succumb to pressure of Ming troops that used full powers to two aspects such as settlement and battle with Japan during the war, and did not lose national confidence and pride by showing a fighting will to fight against Japanese army to the end with independence. Such a spiritual culture originated from homeland protection and loyalty to the king, and is national spirit of resistance that sublimates the united mind and spirit of community to protect a country against foreign invasion.

A new glimpse on the foundation of the Bronze Age concept in Korean archaeology (한국 고고학 성립 시기 청동기 연구에 대한 새로운 인식 - 윤무병(1924~2010)의 연구를 중심으로 -)

  • KANG, Inuk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.2
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    • pp.154-169
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    • 2021
  • The establishment of the Bronze Age is one of the most important achievements suggested by Korean archaeology shortly after liberation. There is no doubt that Moo-Byung Yoon is the representative figure, who refuted the ambiguous Eneolithic age (金石倂用期) created by Japanese scholars and settled the concept of the Bronze Age. In this article, the author takes a new look at Yoon's institutional role in studying the Bronze Age in Korea. Until now, Yoon's representative achievement has been his typology of the Slender dagger of the Korean Peninsula. However, it is not less important that Yoon also established the Bronze Age concept with the excavation of a dolmen and a Bronze Age subterranean dwelling in Oksok-ni, Paju during the 1960s. Of course, it was not a personal assignment for Yoon. He was aided by Prof. Kim Won-Yong's work, who had introduced newly excavated materials from North Korea and China; these materials gave some insight for establishing the Bronze Age concepts in the 1960 and 1970s. Kim's suggestion about the possibility of a Korean Bronze Age led to Yoon's refined typological study on Korea's bronze wares. However, Yoon's excessive schematic classification of artifacts and reliance on the Japanese chronology became an obstacle for making the Korean Bronze Age isolated from East Asia. As a result, it is regrettable that his research led to the "cultural lag" phenomenon of Bronze Age research. Meanwhile, Japanese archaeology, which had influenced Yoon, also faced a major change. In 2003, the Japanese archaeological community revised the Yayoi culture's beginning around the 1,000 BC. This means a shift in the perception that we should understand Japan's Bronze Age in the context of the East Asian continent. Of course, it is not appropriate to reevaluate or denigrate Yoon's research from the current view. Rather, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of Yoon's time and present a new path to research by combining the archaeological tradition of refining research on the relics he maintained with a new chronological view and a macro view of East Asian archaeology. This is why we should take a new glimpse into Yoon's research.

Ultimate Reality in Daesoon Thought as Viewed from Perennial Philosophy (영원철학(The Perennial Philosophy)으로 본 대순사상의 궁극적 실재)

  • Heo, Hoon
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.32
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    • pp.137-173
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    • 2019
  • Modern scientists are trying to find the basic unit of order, fractal geometry, in the complex systems of the universe. Fractal is a term often used in mathematics or physics, it is appropriate as a principle to explain why some models of ultimate reality are represented as multifaceted. Fractals are already widely used in the field of computer graphics and as a commercial principle in the world of science. In this paper, using observations from fractal geometry, I present the embodiment of ultimate reality as understood in Daesoon Thought. There are various models of ultimate reality such as Dao (道, the way), Sangje (上帝, supreme god), Sinmyeong (神明, Gods), Mugeuk (無極, limitlessness), Taegeuk (太極, the Great Ultimate), and Cheonji (天地, heaven and earth) all of which exist in Daesoon Thought, and these concepts are mutually interrelated. In other words, by revealing the fact that ultimate reality is embodied within fractal geometry, it can be shown that concordance and transformation of various models of ultimate reality are supported by modern science. But when the major religions of the world were divided along lines of personality (personal gods) and non-personality (impersonal deities), most religions came to assume that ultimate reality was either transcendental or personal, and they could not postulate a relationship between God and humanity as Yin Yang (陰陽) fractals (Holon). In addition, religions, which assume ultimate reality as an intrinsic and impersonal being, are somewhat different in terms of their degree of Holon realization - all parts and whole restitution. Daesoon Thought most directly states that gods (deities) and human beings are in a relationship of Yin Yang fractals. In essence, "deities are Yin, and humanity is Yang" and furthermore, "human beings are divine beings." Additionally, in the Daesoon Thought, these models of ultimate reality are presented through various concepts from various viewpoints, and they are revealed as mutually interrelated concepts. As such, point of view regarding the universe wherein Holarchy becomes a models in a key idea within perennial philosophy. According to a universalized view of religious phenomena, perennial philosophy was adopted by the world's great spiritual teachers, thinkers, philosophers, and scientists. From this viewpoint, when ultimate reality coincides, human beings and God are no longer different. In other words, the veracity of the theory of ultimate reality that has appeared in Daesoon Thought can find support in both modern science and perennial philosophy.

A Study on the Change of Masks for Goseong Ogwangdae Play - Before and after the designation of intangible cultural assets- (고성오광대 연희용 탈의 변화 양상)

  • Nam, Jin-A
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.41
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    • pp.257-284
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    • 2020
  • Goseong Ogwangdae started academic research in the late 1950s and was designated as a national intangible cultural asset in 1964. From the time of the academic survey to the time of designation, it was recorded as using paper masks, but when the recording image was filmed in 1965, it was already changed to wooden masks. In 1960, before being designated as an intangible cultural asset, the number of masks, which was 9 points, gradually increased to 19 points in 1964. It is necessarily included in the leper, Chorani, Malttuki, Cheongbo-Yangyang, Halmi, and Jemilju, but the character of the yangban is not yet clearly differentiated. Hwangbongsa and Sangju appeared as bare faces, and consumption, milling, Cheongbo-Yangyang are used together with Bibi and inspiration. It can be guessed that Bibi was not the appearance of a foreign object with horns as it is now, considering that Bibi and Madangsoi were used together. Since 1965, shortly after the designation, the whole of the Goseong Ogwangdae mask has been changed to a wooden mask. All the characters except for resident, courtyard, and top-of-the-line are wearing masks. Bibi, Hongbaek, and service masks have never appeared until 1964. The Yangban was changed to the closing ceremony with six people in the order of Won-Yangban, Baekje, Heukje, Cheongje, Hongbaek, and Jonggadoryong. Starting in 1969, the mask enters the stable period where the kind is the same as the present. Bibi-Yangban uses both the Won-Yangban and the Jemilju uses the Somu, but all other characters use the individual mask to use a total of 18 masks. The Yangbans are clearly differentiated, and a total of seven Yangban appear. The reason why the change in the type of mask and the expression of material is so large is that the first generation of mask makers died and the tradition of mask production was cut off, but there is also a cause of the extreme change in the environment of the drama that the performers who joined after the designation had to face. Also, it is closely related to the change of the times when the meaning and weight of masking in masking has changed. At that time, the performers were not so tied to the current concept of 'original form' that they preserved the appearance of the designated time. Originally, Goseong Ogwangdae was centered on improvisation dance, not the formalized dance as it is now, and there was a certain fluid aspect in the retelling, so it was flexible in the use of masks even before the designation of cultural assets. Strict rules did not apply in the details, as it was a self-sufficient play by the performers, not an offer event. The form and contents of this fluid play are changed to preparation for the performance while preparing for the folk art contest. As the subject of the contest in self-sufficient play, dance, costumes, and props became more and more colorful as well as dancing, costumes, and props. As a result, participation in the contest brought about changes in the overall performance and changed the mask, which was accepted within the preservation society.

A Study on the 'Youngsan(靈山)' recorded in 『Songnamjabji(松南雜識)』 (『송남잡지(松南雜識)』에 기록된 '영산(靈山)'에 관한 연구)

  • Cho, Seog-Yeon
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.40
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    • pp.269-305
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    • 2020
  • Youngsan is generally known as Pansori Danga(短歌). However, the contents of 'Yeongsan' in 『Songnamjabji』 are different. In 『Songnamjabji』, Cho Jaesam explained the contents related to 'Youngsan' using three kinds of poems: Shin Kwangsoo's poem, Baegho Imje's poem, Kim Myeongwon's poem. First, 'Ujo Youngsan' appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem. Shin Kwangsoo wrote the (1750) when Yoo Jinhan's 『Manhwajib(晩華集)』(1754) was published. It is difficult to see the 'Ujo Youngsan', which appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem written in a time when Pansori was not widely known, as the Pansori Danga. Second, Jo Jaesam called the music in Baegho Imje's poem 'Youngsan Dodeueum'. In 'Youngsan Dodeueum', flute and 'Dodeuli rhythm' were used. This fact is connected with , an instrumental music. , also a Buddhist term, continued to be used in the palace as well as among the people. Third, Cho Jaesam introduced Kim Myeongwon's poem in 'Yeongsan' part and called it 'Taryeong.' At that time, the term 'Taryeong' referred to both Pansori and Jeongga(正歌). Later, in the 19th century, 'Youngsan' was recorded as a term for the Danga to loosen the neck before Pansori began in earnest. In other words, the early 'Yeongsan' recorded in 『Songnamjabji』 was a Buddhist term, referring to the music of the upper class Seonbi, such as , Gasa(歌詞) and Sijo(時調). In 1855, when 『Songnamjabji』 was written, 'Youngsan' was used as a term used to refer to both Changbu-Music and Gagaek(歌客)-Music, mixed with the term 'Taryeong'. And as Pansori became popular, the term 'Taryeong' came to be called 'Pansori' and 'Youngsan' was used to refer to Pansori Danga. Therefore, all the records of 'Youngsan' should not be interpreted as Pansori Danga. This situation is closely related to religious and social change. The policy of worshipping Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism rejected the term 'Youngsan' which had a Buddhist meaning. In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, when Buddhism was suppressed, 'Youngsan' and 'Taryeong' were mixed. As Buddhism regrown in the late Joseon Dynasty, with the advent of Pansori, the term 'Youngsan' seems to be newly resettled in the sense of Danga. Pansori appeared in the 19th century and 'Yeongsan' was used as a Danga. And the reason should be regarded as this social and religious change.

The Economic Impact of the Korean Port Industry on the National Economy : from the Viewpoint of Macroeconomics (한국항만산업이 국가경제에 미치는 영향에 관한 분석 - 거시경제의 관점에서 -)

  • Moon, S.H.
    • Journal of Korean Port Research
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.65-92
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    • 1992
  • The Korean central government has not appreciate the full extent of the impact of seaports on the national economy. As a consequence port investment has not been given sufficient priority and capacity has failed to keep pace with demand. The principal reason for this failure is the fact that the linkages (or relationships) of the port transport industry with other sectors have not been quantified and fully appreciated. To overcome this dificiency this paper developed a port input-output model to determine the economic impact of the port industry on the national economy. This impact study was conducted by analysing the impact of the Korean port industry upon the national economy from the macroeconomic viewpoint, and identifying the spreading effects of port investments upon the nation's economy. The analysis of the economic impact of the port industry suggests that its contribution to the Korean economy is substantial. What the model shows is, in quantifiable terms, there are the strong economic linkages between the port industry and the other sectors of the national economy. The contribution of the port industry to the Korean economy was summarised in the Conclusion section.

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