• 베이커리
• /
• no.9 s.398
• /
• pp.66-67
• /
• 2001

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.82
• /
• pp.29-72
• /
• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.12 no.3
• /
• pp.235-247
• /
• 2009

Recognizing the potential and importance of biotechnology in boosting South Korea in an environment of competitive neoliberal globalization, South Korea has actively promoted the development and commercialization of biotechnology and legislated related laws. This should not, however, be read as yet another instance of the neo-liberal 'marketization' of economic activities and the demise of nation-states. The development of biotechnology in South Korea - and its commercialization - is closely intertwined with the practice of the Korean developmental state, and this practice has led to the production of new state spaces: biotechnology clusters. This paper examines what the roles of the state in developing and nurturing biotechnology clusters are.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.14 no.3
• /
• pp.263-285
• /
• 2011

Despite the process of neoliberalization has made a decisive influence on our society as a whole, there seems little interests in neoliberal urbanization and entrepreneurial urban projects promoting it. This study is to see relationships between neolibealization process and recent urbanization and urban policies in terms of entrepreneurial city mediating them. In particular, this paper tries to reconceptualize entrepreneurial city as corresponding to privatization and commodification, financialization, state redistribution, and management and manipulation of crises which Harvey(2005) suggests as four main features of neoliberalization process in general and 'accumulation by dispossession' in particular, and to characterize it in terms of 'creative destruction' and of 'entrepreneurial governance'. As examined in the later part of this paper, recent cases of these entrepreneurial urban projects in S. Korea include volatility of land and housing price in the Capital region and urban regeneration and newtown projects, project for free economic zones construction in Incheon and other 5 regions, project for SOC construction heavily relying on private investment, in particular project financing pursued nationwidely including Daegu, and project of urban cultural marketing to promote capital inflow tacitly as well as to enhance urban imagine explicitly.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.87-108
• /
• 2002

According to Neo-liberalism, the privatization of social security systems is pivotal for a country's economic growth and the wellbeing of its people, because such systems hinder the full operation of the market, eventually leading the national economy to collapse. The Chilean case of pension privatization is often cited as a good evidence for the Neo-liberal argument. Neo-liberalists say that Chile has experienced a rapid economic growth and retirees have enjoyed a much more pension payment since the national pension system was successfully privatized in 1981. The primary purpose of this article is to provide a critical review on the results of the Chilean pension privatization reform implemented in 1981. This study is intended to give an objective understanding of the reform because the existing evaluations, particularly those from the neo-liberalism, over-emphasize the bright sides of the reform. for this purpose, this article will pay a particular attention to the change in the level of pension payment after the reform. The conclusion of this study is that, contrary to the argument of Neo-liberalism, the pension reform has lowered the level of pension payment and, compared to the old public pension, has made the lives of ordinary retirees less secure. Reorganization of the social security system is more desirable than privatization as a remedy for the current problems of the welfare state.

• 건강소식
• /
• v.14 no.5 s.138
• /
• pp.40-43
• /
• 1990

충남 당진군 고대면 성산리에 있는 고산감리교회, 신자 100여명의 농촌교회로는 작지 않은 이 교회의 장재환 목사는 지난 4월 3일, 4일 이틀동안 신자 50여명에 대한 종합건강검사를 건협 대전.충남지부에서 실시했다. 교회 예산으로 검사수수료의 50%를 지원함으로써 특히 눈길을 끈 이번 건강검사는 "건강한 교회"를 만들겠다는 장목사의 취지에서 시작되고 전개되었다. 생명의 소중함을 새삼 일깨워 준 이번 검사 사업의 취지와 과정을 장목사를 통해 들어봤다.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.12-19
• /
• 2012

The present study was performed to investigate antioxidant, anticancer, and antimicrobial activities of four Korean sweet potato variaties and to identify the changes in these biological activities under different cooking conditions. Total polyphenol content was 3.8-73.6 mg/g in 80% ethanol extracts of sweet potatoes. The polyphenol content was highest Sinjami variety (p < 0.05). Radical scavenging activity against DPPH and $ABTS^{{\cdot}+}$ was high in Sinjami (p < 0.05) and the ethanol extract from Sinjami also showed effective superoxide dismutase (SOD)-like activity, which decreased significantly by steaming and roasting (p < 0.05). Ethanol extracts from the four sweet potato variaties did not inhibit cancer cell growth in MCF-7 or HepG2 cells at concentrations of 1, 10, and $100\;{\mu}g$/mL. Of the investigated sweet potato variaties, only Sinjami exhibited strong antimicrobial activity against Escherichia coli, Staphylococcus aureus, and Salmonella typhimurium. The antimicrobial activity of Sinjami against E. coli, St. aureus, and S. typhimurium decreased following steaming and roasting (p < 0.05). These results indicate that the Sinjami Korean sweet potato had higher polyphenol content, radical scavenging activity, SOD-like activity, and antimicrobial activity than those of the other variaties and consuming raw Sinjami might be beneficial for maintenance of biological activities.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.26-48
• /
• 2010

The current government tries to pursue a series of energy plans and strategies which have been recently established under the banner of 'green growth'. Although there have been several critical comments on the energy policy, the structural background under which the energy policy has been established and implemented has not yet been scrutinized. This paper understands the current government's strategy for 'green growth' and energy policy as a process of neoliberalization. In particular, the energy policy is characterized as industrialization, marketization, technologization, and financialization of energy, which bring about a lot of detailed issues. This kind of 'green growth' strategy is far from the model of sustainable development, and rather seems to be well interpreted in terms of what Harvey calls 'accumulation by dispossession'. As the government's strategy for 'green growth' and energy policy denies the roll of citizens and civil society which would mediate and arbitrate the contradiction between environment preservation and economic growth, and conflicts between market mechanism and state intervention, so alternatives to the 'green growth' strategy should be orientated to a citizen-participating and civil society-led energy policy.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.15 no.3
• /
• pp.358-375
• /
• 2012

Neoliberalizing nature spreads widely across diverse fields and areas. Commodifying water is the most frequent case conflicting with the stance, water as commons. This paper reviews the commodity versus commons debate in other countries leading to the importance of wider perspective considering regional contexts, and then examines the case of Jeju with that regard entirely depending freshwater on underground acquifer. In Jeju, the sale of bottled water by private corporation has been in confrontation with the declaration of water as commons by Jeju government. But, the commodity versus commons conflict over water hinders more important concerns such as the abundant use by tourism related hotels and golf courses, the free largest agricultural use, and the production and sale of bottled water by Jeju government itself. The real focus of concern should be given to the constraints on increasing water rate for tourism businesses, charging fees on agriculture, and the local development imperatives. The dual stance of Jeju government in promoting water as commodity as well as promulgating water as commons seems to be a case adding diversity to the geography of neoliberalizing nature.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.269-287
• /
• 2017

While Jeju Free International City was promoted to overcome the economic crisis and build a new national competitiveness in the era of globalization, its development vision as 'the hub city of Northeast Asian economy in the $21^{st}$ century' has not been realized. This paper argues that Jeju Free International City to aim for the 'ideal free market model', 'neoliberal space of exception', and 'a new testing ground for neoliberal deregulation policies' has failed due to worsening of socioeconomic and environmental contradictions, growing conflicts in local community, and the logic of equity enforced by the central government. To support this claim, this article reviews the theoretical discussions of special economic zones, examines the shifts in the development visions of Jeju Free International City, and analyzes how Jeju has become a space of exception with the introduction of various exceptional policies and spatial mechanisms.