• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The recent changes in Korean elections are mainly characterized as the downfall of the Conservative party. It is surprising, considering that the conservative party gained the historical support from the electorate in 2012, just several years ago. This paper claims that the downfall of the Conservative party is mostly derived from the perceptual conflicts and inconsistencies in the mind of the conservatives. The findings show clearly both attitude conflicts for the conservatives and its effect of asymmetrical (in)activation of participation. As their preferences to the conservative candidate and party became weaken, the conservatives remained to be inactive participants in elections. On the other hand, the liberals could make political decisions easily, having popular candidate and preferable political party. It suggests that, in order to participate, the electorate needs attractive candidate as well as parties to support in election. To revive as an active political actor, the conservative party should focus on the search of attractive candidates for the conservative electorate and reform the party in accordance with ideological preference of the electorate.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.165-195
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• 2016

This paper aims to examine the third-person effect(TPE) of hate comments on online news, and analyze how the issue-relevant audience factors as well as the characteristics of the online message have influence on the TPE. More specifically, based on the distinction between hateful and logical comments regarding the issue of illegal immigration, the authors have conducted an online experiment that compares how the message-related features, i.e., ways of expressing the ideas, lead to the difference in TPE. Analysis was also conducted with regards to how political orientation and discriminatory predisposition to immigrants among the audiences, have different impacts on the TPE. The 479 participants in the experiments were randomly assigned to experimental group(exposed to hate comments) or control group(exposed to logical comments). The results reveal that the TPE of hate comments is higher than that of logical message. The same message proved to be more effective for news users with liberal orientation and discriminatory predisposition. The significance of this paper lies in that it has examined the effect of online hate comments in a rigorous experimental setting. Also the research further elaborated on the audience-related variables, for which the previous studies tended to focus those on the general psychological level rather than relate them more specifically to the issues.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.spc
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• pp.133-161
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• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.109-136
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• 2012

This research analyzed the news coverage of controversy over Korean resumption of Wartime Operational Control from the United States in 2006, trying to find various narrative frames and their relevance to the characters of journalistic interpretive communities. Three competitive frames emerged: Self-national defense and peace making, Balance of self-national defense and the Korea-US alliance, and Priority of the Korea-U.S. alliance and national security. Journalistic discourses were also analyzed through the in-depth interviews of 14 journalists from three interpretive communities. The results revealed that competitions of narrative frames reflected the tensed relationship among political power blocs, each representing the liberal, moderate, or conservative camp of Korean society, and preference of journalistic practices such as objective journalism to advocacy journalism. Finally, inferences were made that the clashes among interpretive authorities, existing behind the competition of news frames, restrained public deliberations on a critical incident regarding national security by blocking up the reasoned news coverage of political controversy.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.341-364
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• 2017

This thesis is to reflect prevalently stereo-typed community ideas and find alternative ones that have interconnected, relational, and autonomous acting system for our lives. Probably community is the collective space in which 'I' as the subject in the world meet others and achieve the desirable objects each other. By the way the community spaces could be nation state, societies, and people of nation or ones that deal local problems, environments, and ecology and clubs ect, which are variable according to our concerns. In a sense community pay attention to not societies such as nations or people but lives of individuals, preparing for the territories where men feel convenient in their bodies and mentalities without artificial manipulation. In such a community the participant's vital energy can be stretched actively and relationally, and even if the leader be, there is the politics of doing nothingness not to be the obstacle in the way mens' will goes. In those communities they can live their lives at their nature and realize their dreams without barriers to their way. If we find these ideas of communities which are alternative for our period, we should gaze at Asiatic ones that may be scattered in classics of Confucianism, Daoim and ect. With these concepts and concerns, this paper was drawn up.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.135-150
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• 2016

This paper studied on the geographical distribution location arrangement and the social construction of Pungsu discourse and the Pungsu(Fengshui) management of royal tombs on the Joseon Dynasty from the historical, cultural geographical perspective. The Pungsu landscape of royal tombs during the Joseon dynasty was the direct result of the political dynamics among the king, his family, other royal families, and various groups of vassals. Pungsu was a important factor in deciding tomb sites or landscapes, but it was a secondary factor to politics in the Joseon Dynasty. The primary factor was politics, clearly showing Pungsu's status in social discourse. The royal tomb Pungsu is defined as the Pungsu discourse of the Joseon Dynasty period which is combined with Confucian ideology in Korean Pungsu history.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.11
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• pp.481-491
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• 2015

This research has verified the efficacy of character education course in Liberal Art Curriculum in accordance with the objective of K Women's University of which is the 'mind sharing through mindfulness, SMART human resources development'. Most of the content of character education is organized aiming to promote values of "appreciation". The subjects are experimental group and control group, of which are 229. Research methods were t-test of between groups. The effects of the course have shown that the experimental group students were higher on the level of connectedness sub-scale in Gestalt Contact Boundary Scale than those of the control group students(t=2.323, p = .021). Although the 'character education' course increased connectedness, but it no positive effect on mindfulness skill and self-esteem. This results showed that character education course is effective to promote mind sharing and connectedness in part. It was discussed about a way of further refining course contents and the need to reflect educational philosophy of the K Women's University.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.28
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• pp.219-249
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• 2005

This study analyzes the historical cases of audience's boycott movement to the Korean newspapers in the mid-1920s. five historical cases from 1924 till 1927 were analyzed in this study. These cases have a few differences in comparison with the cases of the early 1920s. Firstly, the boycott movement was activated considerably, and the target of movement was diversified. The number of cases in early 1920s was only two, and the target of both cases were The Dong-A Ilbo. But we could confirm at least 7 cases in mid 1920s through this study. In addition to The Dong-A Ilbo, the target included The Chosun Ilbo, and The Namsun Ilbo published in Masan. The location of the movement was not restricted to Seoul. It was also executed at the small cities and rural areas, such as Masan, Jinnampo, Bugang. Ihe analysis of the context of the boycott reveals that most cases wert caused mainly by the conflict of interest between parties. Some parties that dissatisfied with the coverage of a newspaper resolved and executed the boycott to that newspaper.