• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.66
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• pp.133-158
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• 2014

This research followed the major South Korean newspapers, Chosun, JoongAng, HanKyoreh and KyungHyang newspapers to study their relationship with advertisement - on how they use advertisement to what degree and which views they take, also looking into the quantity of advertisement. The results of analysis is as thus: first, the more advertised companies tended to have more news reports about them overall. Also, advertised companies were usually shown in positive light rather than a negative one. The most notable constructive commonality found in the positively advertised companies were that they were not usually introduced upfront through the title of the news article (or within the body of the article) but rather mentioned within the media frame. The reasons for this pattern in advertising is to make bias towards JoongAng which is obvious for pro companies, especially for the Chosun which is known for being neutral in most company matters even for the HanKyoreh, KyungHyang known for their usual negative attitude towards private companies.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.187-217
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to analyze whether there is gender difference in Members' voting on women's issue bills, and to find out determinants of Members voting decisions on the same bills. The findings are as follows. First, there is no gender difference in women's issue voting, so women Members as a group were not significantly different from men Members in voting behavior. That's not because women Members were split in voting but because both men and women Members are very supportive of the bills. Secondly, Members' party and ideology play a significant role in Member' voting on women's issue. Compared to the majority party(Uri party)'s overwhelming support, minority parties are much less supportive on the issues. Member's ideology also proved to be important indicator of voting decision. The more ideologically liberal Members are, the more supportive of the bills.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.387-415
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• 2009

The crisis of moral-ethical school subject is related to the scientific identity of moral education in Korean society. Because it's identity hasn't been established yet exactly. At past time 'National Ethics' included not only moral education, but also anti-Communist education and education of political ideology or propaganda. The scientific foundation of ethical education is on ethics, and it is a branch of philosophy. But to escape this fact, some scholars relating with ethical education claimed to need 'interdisciplinary approach' to ethical subject. As a result, they allowed other department to give their certificates. Futhermore it is at a crisis to be integrated into social subject. Philosophy as scientific origin of ethics has already not interdisciplinary character but the idea of integrated science. So there is no necessity for finding another scientific foundation. Now following the original goal of ethical education, they try to train the ability of moral judgement to solve various moral problems rationally, and to cultivate moral disposition that can practice the ideal and principles of life.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.185-211
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• 2017

Lee Neung Hwa is a scholar of the late Joseon Dynasty, renowned for his studies of Korean studies. In this thesis, the study of Confucianism and Buddhism removed the research and teachings of Confucianism as a traditional study of Confucianism. Lee Neung Hwa criticized the social functioning of Confucian texts during the late Joseon Dynasty. His criticisms reflect the historical consciousness of the late Joseon Dynasty. Lee Neung Hwa is also known as the Buddhist religion. The History of Chosun Buddhism is his masterpiece. He pointed out the differences between the Buddhist scriptures of the Joseon Dynasty and the Japanese Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, the Joseon Dynasty felt more integrated into the Japanese Buddhist kingdom than in Japan. And ineunghwa also studied the mythology of Korea. He established a universal cultural phenomenon as a universal cultural phenomenon, which belongs to any ethnic Koreans. He insisted that the Sin Gyo of Dan Gun is the identity of Korean culture. His Founding Myth was not a matter of historical fact. His Founding Myth was a tool of ideological struggle to fight against Japanese imperialism.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.267-281
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• 2016

This study analyzed the contents of articles on GMO in Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh from 1994 through 2015 to check the trend of reporting on GMO as a science and technology risk issue. As a result, 'risk' and 'anxiety/concern' were continuously treated as important subjects, and there was a lack of depth and journalist's professionalism in all three periods: 'Introduction of GMO technology (1994-2000)', 'Development of GMO technology (2001-2010)' and 'Social acceptance of GMO (2011-2015).' In a comparison between the media with different ideological goals, the Chosun Ilbo had a stronger new-technological inclination to GMO than the Hankyoreh in reporting topics and tones of arguments. As a result of checking the relation of the tones in reporting with the 'risk-benefit' of GMO, reports in negative tones underlined 'risk' while those in positive tones, 'benefit.' This study could suggest improvements of subject bias and unprofessionalism in the domestic science journalism, the barometer of public awareness of disputes over science and technology risk.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.157-169
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• 2021

YouTube has rapidly grown as a news media outlet. As political content without fact-checking is actively provided and YouTube algorithms are used for content recommendations, users are selectively exposed to certain political ideologies, which could escalate conflicts among political groups. In particular, the stronger the identification of in-group, the greater the antipathy toward outgroup, and the more exposed the content to the parties that support or oppose it, the stronger the identification or the antipathy can be. This study investigated the relationship between selective exposure and political attitude polarization in the context of political video on YouTube. Based on social identity theory, this study also found that political identification mediates the relationship between selective exposure and political attitude polarization.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.175-193
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• 2011

This study explored how South Korean newspapers covered North Korea's second nuclear test in May of 2009. Findings show that South Korean newspapers mostly reported North Korea's nuclear experiment in relatively negative tones. Their coverage mainly focused on the influences of nuclear threat from the North on the military, political and economic areas in South Korea. However, the media's agenda settings and frames were not similar in terms of each paper's political and ideological inclination. Whereas the progressive papers, such as the Hankyoreh and the Kyunghyang Shinmun, recognized that the current nuclear issue in Korean peninsula is getting worse because of South Korea's rigorous pressure on North Korea, the conservative papers, such as the Chosun Ilbo and the Donga Ilbo, see that the deadlock between North and South mainly comes from the system malfunction of North Korea. To prevent the current impasse, the left-side papers emphasized to develop the six-party talk in dealing with North Korean issue, while the right-wing papers paid attentions to the West's sanctions on North Korea and ensuring national security.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.37
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• pp.237-269
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• 2007

This study examined how newspapers covered the 60th anniversary of the historical event, 8 15 Independence Day. Specifically, five newspapers from three countries were content-analyzed to see differences, if any, based on country level and political ideology of the newspaper. The findings showed that Japanese newspapers yielded less amount of coverage than those of Korea and China. The newspapers of Korea and China used straight news format, while Japanese newspapers used opinion news format. In terms of information source, Korean newspapers and Chinese newspapers mainly relied on the information from the government, while Japanese newspapers took the information from citizen. The difference also revealed that Korean newspapers focused on domestic situation frame and the other countries more emphasized past memory of the War times. Consequently, the three countries showed clearly different perspectives on the same historical event. These distinctions were caused from national interest rather than political ideology of the newspaper.