• Title/Summary/Keyword: 의욕상실

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Active Inferential Processing During Comprehension in Poor Readers (미숙 독자들에 있어 이해 도중의 능동적 추리의 처리)

  • Zoh Myeong-Han;Ahn Jeung-Chan
    • Korean Journal of Cognitive Science
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    • v.17 no.2
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    • pp.75-102
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    • 2006
  • Three experiments were conducted using a verification task to examine good and poor readers' generation of causal inferences(with because sentences) and contrastive inferences(with although sentences). The unfamiliar, critical verification statement was either explicitly mentioned or was implied. In Experiment 1, both good and poor readers responded accurately to the critical statement, suggesting that both groups had the linguistic knowledge necessary to the required inferences. Differences were found, however, in the groups' verification latencies. Poor, but not good, readers responded faster to explicit than to implicit verification statements for both because and although sentences. In Experiment 2, poor readers were induced to generate causal inferences for the because experimental sentences by including fillers that were apparently counterfactual unless a causal inference was made. In Experiment 3, poor readers were induced to generate contrastive inferences for the although sentences by including fillers that could only be resolved by making a contrastive inference. Verification latencies for the critical statements showed that poor readers made causal inferences in Experiment 2 and contrastive inferences in Experiment 3 doting comprehension. These results were discussed in terms of context effect: Specific encoding operations performed on anomaly backgrounded in another passage would form part of the context that guides the ongoing activity in processing potentially relevant subsequent text.

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Weight Reduction Dieting Survey and Satisfaction Degree and Diet Related Knowledge among Adult Women by Age (연령별 성인 여성의 체중감량 다이어트 실태와 만족도 및 관련지식)

  • Kim, Myung-Kyung;Lee, Gui-Chu
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.35 no.5
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    • pp.572-582
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    • 2006
  • This survey was conducted from June 2004 to August 2004, through questionnaires given to 432 women aged ranging from 20 to 50 years, who were living in the Seoul metropolitan area. The questionnaires were designed to determine the physique, level of obesity and dieting survey as well as to uncover which diets were in fashion and their satisfaction degree. Dieting-related knowledge and dieting side effects were also investigated. The results were as follows: In dieting survey, as the age increased, dieting for health reason (52.3%) increased, whereas that for aesthetic reasons (32.6%) decreased (p<0.05). The most effective methods of dieting were exercise (50.2%) and diet (45.0%) regimens. In regards to exercise frequency, 46.5% for none, 23.5% for 1-2 times a week, suggesting that most respondents do not practice exercise for dieting purposes (p<0.05). Major source for dieting was shown to be obtained from relative family or friends (31.7%), newspapers or magazines (29.3%) and internet (14.9%). As the age decreased, information from the latter increased, whereas that from TV program (21.2%) decreased (p<0.05). Reasons for excess weight were bad eating habits (39.6%), lack of exercise (38.3%), pregnancy and childbirth (10.6%). In fad dieting, while organic foods and aerobic exercises scored the highest satisfaction degree among diet and exercise regimens, on the other hand, sauna, steam baths and high temperature half-immersion baths scored the highest among surgery and other special therapies. As the age increased, the satisfaction degree for organic foods such as organic vegetable and high functional boiled cooked rice increased (p<0.05). As the age increased, scores on dieting-related knowledge decreased. Side effects of dieting included dizziness 06.2%) fatigue (15.1%) indigestion/constipation (11.1%) physical weakness 00.5%), loss of concentration (7.8%), dry skin (7.4%) loss of motivation (6.7%). The above results showed that attitude toward dieting among adult women varied with age and in light of the well-being trend, organic foods and aerobic exercises scored the highest satisfaction degree through all age.

Quality Characteristics of Takju Fermentation by Addition of Chestnut Peel Powder (율피가루를 첨가한 탁주의 품질 특성)

  • Jeong Jin-Woong;Park Kee-Jai;Kim Myung-Ho;Kim Dong-Soo
    • Food Science and Preservation
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    • v.13 no.3
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    • pp.329-336
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    • 2006
  • The characteristics of mash qualities of takju prepared by addition of chestnut peel powder(5%, 10%, 20% and 30% per steamed rice) were investigated during fermentation. That is, in all fermentation periods, changes of pit total acid, organic acids, solids, amino nitrogen, total sugar and reducing sugar, microorganisms, alcohol and color were determined and analyzed. There was significant differences in characteristics of mash qualities by addition of chestnut peel powder. In general, contents of total acid, organic acids, amino nitrogen, total sugar, reducing sugar and ethanol of takju added with chestnut peel powder were lower than those of steamed rice only, whereas solid contents was higher. But ethanol content of takju added with 5% of chestnut peel powder after 8 days of fermentation was 9.6% which was similar to that of takju prepared by addition of steamed lice only. Also, microbial populations such as total viable cells, yeast and lactic acid bacteria of the treatments were increased to about $10^8CFU/mL$ after 2 days of fermentation and then decreased gradually. In the beginning stage of fermentation color differences value of the treatments were $1.99{\sim}10.27$, and the differentials reduced gradually during fermentation.

A Study of Teaching Math Underachievers Using Flipped Classroom (거꾸로 교실을 활용한 수학학습부진아의 학습지도에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Hwan-Cheol;Kang, Soon-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean School Mathematics Society
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.521-536
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    • 2017
  • One of difficulties with which teachers meet is to have underachievers with no willingness and motivation for study involved in class. Mathematics underachiever are average or above average in their intelligence but their actual achievement in mathematics did not coincide to their intellectual capabilities. The teaching strategy for them is to motivate them to try to study mathematics and to experience the improvement in their mathematics grade. In this paper, we choose flipped classroom as the strategy of teaching basic mathematics to math underachievers and applied it to them. Then we wanted to make sure the possibility for applying flipped classroom to teaching math underachievers through the analysis of change in the scholastic achievement of students in mathematics and mathematical disposition. The results of this study are as followings; First, when we taught basic math to underachievers using a flipped classroom, we confirm that math underachievers with active participation improved scholastic achievements significantly. Second, the flipped classroom was led to positive effects in an affective domain. In particular, it showed the most noticeable change in the area of willingness to math problem-solving and perception about the value of mathematics.

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Rapid Education and Training Methodology for North Korean Construction Workers through a Survey (설문조사를 통한 북한 건설노동자의 급속 양성 교육·훈련 방안)

  • Jung, In-Su;Lee, Giu;Kim, Keum-Ji;Park, Hyeong-Geun
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.21 no.8
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    • pp.407-416
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    • 2020
  • North Korea's demand for infrastructure construction and maintenance is growing rapidly. On the other hand, the number of skilled workers is insufficient. Therefore, through a survey of North Korean defectors, this study analyzed the status of construction technology and the difficulties of construction workers. In addition, an attempt was made to derive an appropriate education and training program process and operation plan. As a result of the survey, the reason for the low technical level of construction workers was the lack of skills, lack of motivation to work, and the lack of training and management systems. The appropriate education and training period was 56% of the total response within one year and 36% within six months. Based on the results of this survey, the period of education and training for the rapid training of construction technical personnel in North Korea was adopted as one year. Moreover, compared to the NCS standard in South Korea, appropriate training hours were suggested, excluding training courses, such as planning and design, construction management that require specialized knowledge. Finally, the curriculum corresponding to the education and training courses and the standards for facility names and required areas for facility operation were suggested.

북한(北韓)의 경제개발전략(經濟開發戰略)의 구조적(構造的) 문제점(問題點)

  • Park, Jeong-Dong
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.185-209
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    • 1996
  • 북한(北韓)의 경제개발전략(經濟開發戰略)의 제특징(諸特徵)은 저렴한 농산물가격(農産物價格)에 의한 농업부분(農業部分)에서의 잉여(剩餘), 저임금(低賃金)에 의한 도시노동자(都市勞動者)들로부터의 잉여(剩餘)를 가지고 경제발전(經濟發展)을 이룩하는 것이라 요약할 수 있다. 농민(農民), 도시노동자(都市勞動者) 양측(兩測)을 희생시키면서 유지되어 온 이러한 성장구조(成長構造)는 원래 같으면 저농산물가격(低農産物價格)${\rightarrow}$저임금(低賃金)${\rightarrow}$축적자금확대(蓄積資金擴大)${\rightarrow}$재투자(再投資)${\rightarrow}$생산량증가(生産量增加)${\rightarrow}$소비수준 (消費水準) 증가(增加)로 점진적으로 발전해야만 하는 것이다. 하지만 이러한 성장전략(成長戰略)은 처음부터 철저히 부정되어 왔다. 먼저 농촌부분(農村部分)부터 보면 농촌협동조합(農村協同組合)에서의 소유제도(所有制度), 분배제도(分配制度)의 문제(問題)로 인해 농민(農民)의 근로의욕(勤勞意欲)이 크게 상실되었고 그 결과(結果) 농업생산(農業生産)은 저하되었다. 한편 도시부분(都市部分)에서는 인민(人民)들의 저소비(低消費)의 결과(結果)로 축적된 자금(資金)이 군사부분(軍事部分)에 집중적으로 투자됨으로 인해 그 투자효과(投資效果)가 제 구실을 못하게 되었다. 뿐만 아니라 자급자족지향형(自給自足指向型)의 중공업화(重工業化)는 중공업(重工業)과 관련산업(關聯産業) 상호간(相互間)의 수요(需要)만을 충족시켜 왔다. 그 외에 기업(企業)이 국가(國家)의 지령(指令)에 의해서만 움직이는 국영기업관리체제(國營企業管理體制)의 비효율성(非效率性)도 지금의 북한경제(北韓經濟)를 침체(沈滯)의 늪에서 헤어나지 못하게 하는 주요(主要)한 요인(要因)으로 작용했다. 농업생산(農業生産)의 정체(停滯), 중공업(重工業)을 위한 중공업정책(重工業政策)이라고 하는 왜곡된 투자구조(投資構造), 기업관리체제(企業管理體制)의 비효율성(非效率性)은 북한(北韓)의 계획경제순환구조(計劃經濟循環構造)를 기본(基本)부터 뒤흔들기 시작하면서, 급기야 1980년대 후반부터는 순환구조(循環構造) 그 자체(自體)를 마비시키는 사태(事態)로까지 발전했다. 순환구조(循環構造)의 마비(痲痺)라고 하는 심각한 경제난(經濟難)을 타개하기 위해 북한(北韓)은 나진(羅津) 선봉(先鋒) 자유경제무역지대(自由經濟貿易地帶)를 설치(設置)하고 새로운 자금축적원(資金蓄積源)으로서 외국인직접투자(外國人直接投資)를 유치하는 개방정책(開放政策)을 추진하여 왔다. 하지만 북한(北韓)의 경제(經濟) 순환구조(循環構造)의 마비(痲痺)를 풀 수 있는 근본적(根本的)인 해법(解法)은 어디까지나 그 발단(發端)인 농촌(農村)의 경제체제개혁(經濟體制改革), 농(農) 경공업(輕工業)을 위한 중공업(重工業), 국영기업(國營企業)의 개혁(改革) 등을 과감히 실시하는 것이다. 왜냐하면 해외직접투자(海外直接投資)라는 새로운 자금축적원(資金蓄積源)은 어디까지나 지금의 악순환구조(惡循環構造)를 임시적(臨時的)으로 정지시켜 주는 보완적(補完的)인 조치(措置)에 불과하기 때문이다.

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Automation of Agricultural Machinery: Its Development and Prospect (농업기계(農業機械) 자동화(自動化)의 발전(發展)과 전망(展望))

  • Ryu, K.H.
    • Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.53-62
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    • 1987
  • Automation of agricultural machinery is a high technology needed to increase work capacity and accuracy, to save agricultural resources and energy, to solve labor shortage, and to improve operator's comfort and safety. With the rapid development of electronic industry, automation of agricultural machinery will be progressed fast, and eventually will lead to no-operator machines or agricultural robots. Automation should be promoted step by step without increasing the cost of farming, excluding rural labor forces, decreasing labor volition, and losing human nature. In order to achieve rational automation of agricultural machinery, it is necessary to investigate the characteristics of soils and crops, to develop sensors, controllers and robots with artificial intelligence. It is recommended that the present trends to directly automatize the individual machinery be changed to the development of a harmonious automation system for overall farming.

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Study on Market Prospects, Financing Challenges and Alternative Solutions in New Nuclear Power Projects (신규 원전의 시장전망 및 금융조달의 과제와 대안)

  • Lee, Jang-pyo
    • KEPCO Journal on Electric Power and Energy
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.133-141
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    • 2016
  • Although construction of any new nuclear power projects had not been launched since mid-1970s until recently in the USA, many new nuclear power plants have been constructed in many countries with the support of their governments mainly as part of their national energy security and electric source diversification policies. For many reasons, the nuclear power industry seemed to reclaim their renaissance from the beginning of this century and the investment in the nuclear power projects draw positive concern from the private financial sector. But the global financial crisis in 2008 and subsequent economic slow-down together with tighter bank credit regulations caused commercial banks, the main source of financing, to lose appetite for investing in new nuclear power projects. But the nuclear power economics shows that the nuclear power is viable in terms of the environmental benefit and long-term average cost compared to other power generation sources. Also doubt about nuclear power safety was much mitigated due to technology development and reinforced safety-related tests and monitoring. Therefore, the prospect for nuclear power market expansion remains positive although there are comparatively big differences among different scenarios. After Korea Electric Power Corp. won the UAE nuclear power project in December of 2009, the competition in nuclear power markets is undergoing huge changes. Competitors backed by the support of their own governments are now entering the market with many aggressive and innovative financing packages to win bids of new nuclear power projects. This report analyzed the nuclear power market prospects, competitive edges of nuclear power, risk management measures, and financing challenges and recommends alternative solutions to promote competitive edges in winning bids of new nuclear power projects.

The Diaspora Narrative and Aesthetics in Handol's Tarae (한돌 타래의 디아스포라 서사와 미학)

  • Shin, Sa-Bin
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.189-219
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    • 2020
  • This study is an analysis of Handol Heung-Gun Lee's Tarae, which is a coinage combining the Korean words for "playing an instrument" and "song", in terms of narrative and aesthetics. The components for analysis are the phenomena and nature of binary oppositions between nature and human beings, between alienation and interest, between division and unification, and between diaspora and people of the national community. Tarae in the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s described the experience of pain and loss from non-resistance and disobedience in protest against social problems that emerged during the era of miliary dictatorship, such as industrialization, urbanization, reckless development, Westernization, university-oriented education, the gap between rich and poor, human alienation, and the conflicts arising from the division of the nation. After Handol overcame the lack of creative motivation with self-reflection and effort, Tarae took the form of a diaspora epic meta-narratives integrating the "sound of nature and his true nature" and "the awareness of diaspora and the spirit of the Korean people". The epics of the homeland, the national soil and the people, which began with "Teo", became more intense in terms of a sense of diaspora as they shifted their focus from an origin to a path with "Hanmoejulghi" as the turning point. Handol seeks inspiration in the source of narrative rather than in music. His Tarae focuses on "adding rhythm for lyrics". For this reason, the semiotic features of Tarae have a limitation in that its extrinsic phonology is simple even if its intrinsic meaning (i.e., emotion of sadness) is profound and subtle. In order to elicit sympathy from the audience and impress them, it is necessary to strike a balance between the implicit (semantic) part and the explicit (phonological) part. To share the emotion of sadness with more people, it is necessary to strengthen phonological elements. Sympathy for sadness and deep impression on the audience are more often induced by the mood of similar sentiments than by the stories of the same experience. The aesthetics of sadness in Tarae began with the narratives of past experience which were expressed in the contexts of loss, loneliness, and poverty that Handol had experienced since childhood. However, the aesthetics of sadness, deepened over the period of a long hiatus in Handol's career as a composer, formed the narratives of ultimate salvation, embodying even the diaspora experience of others (e.g., displaced people, overseas adoptees, ethnic Koreans in Russia, victims of Japanese military sexual slavery, etc.). This gave Tarae the potential to go beyond the limits of the ethnic group of Korea. Tarae, as a "dispersed sound", can benefit from the appeal of deep sadness at the point of contact with other forms of world music. It may form a global diaspora discourse because Tarae is oriented towards interculturalism rather than anti-multiculturalism. The future challenge and goal of Handol's Tarae would be to continue to find areas of sympathy and broaden the horizon of awareness as diaspora music.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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