• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.175-183
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• 2021

Gongjae Yoon DuSeo(1668~1715), from Haenam in the late Joseon Dynasty, is a scholar-born painter who was active during King Sukjong. He is the person who created the foundation as a pioneer of realist paintings in the late Joseon period during the transition from the middle to the latter period. He was born in Namin's prestigious family, but he ended his career as part of a partisan fight and immersed himself in painting and learning. 18C, the beginning of the late Joseon Dynasty, was a period when Silhak emerged and the Jinkyung era opened with awareness of nationalism. At this time, by incorporating the Silhak thought into the art world, the real reformed aesthetic consciousness was demonstrated to pioneer common people's customs, the application of Western painting methods, the pursuit of realist techniques, and the introduction of Namjongmuninhwa. His view of painting, who thoroughly learned the old things and pursued change, must have both the form and spirit that he can achieve 'HwaDo' only when it has the science of 'learning and knowledge' and the technical elements of 'practice and quality' emphasized. He has worked in a variety of reconciliations. In particular, portrait paintings are characterized by ihyeongsasin's realistic expressions of aesthetics. His masterpiece, 「Self-portrait」, excels in extreme-realistic depiction and innovation in composition, and stands out with an unconventional experimentation spirit that expresses his mind and thoughts in a painting with a sense of resentment. His landscape paintings combine to express the form as it is and mental notions, and beautifully embodied Do as a form, thus achieving ihyeongmido, which reached the level of'joyfulness forgotten even the heart of joy'. On the other hand, the generalization of the common people using various common people's lives as the subject of an open-mindedness aimed at gaining the facts of ihyeongsajin, a passive protest against corrupt power and an expression of a spirit of love. Since then, his painting style has been passed down from generation to generation to his eldest son Yoon Deok-hee and his grandson Yoon Yong, leading the change and revival of calligraphy art in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.117-133
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• 2021

The art of the Confucian literati' was mainly centered on literati' painting. Literary paintings combined with poem-writing-painting are based on the literary characters and studies. This is usually based on the technique of Shensi(神似) caused by a hobby accomplishment, enjoying the chinese painting and cherishing with chinese painting. The Confucian literati' cultivated their own character and sublimated humanism to art based on studying. They sought the life of supremacy and supreme gentleness, and enjoyed life on the boundary of pleasure through art. The aim of the Confucian literati' arts lies in the pursuit of expressing the artist's inner world, spirit, and the combination of the Confucian and the Taoism, Because of literati's spirit based on learning, the Confucian literati' arts still exist. The aesthetic of Sunbi Spirit is mainly in the customs of Sunbi, the loyalty of Sunbi, the Silhak(實學) of Sunbi, and loving of the people of Sunbi. We can find honor and loyalty in the Sunbi spirit of the Confucian literati' of the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, it is also possible to observe the loyal troops, the hard work for the country, and the Pung-ryu with nature. In other words, the Sunbi honor, loyalty, loyal troops, pursuit of study and the Pung-ryu show the spirit of the Confucian literati' of Joseon Dynasty. The aesthetic of the Sunbi spirit is in Pung-ryu, loyalty, Silhak, loving of the people etc. The aesthetic of experience of art is mainly based on the aesthetic experience by emotional intelligence and the aesthetic experience according to the individual's inclination. The aesthetic sense actually shows Pung-ryu, loyalty, Silhak and love etc. We can see it in many of our literary paintings. Therefore, the Confucian literati' painting in Chosun Dynasty were the intentionality of the mind and the intentionality of the spare. Furthermore, it has directivity of expressing the artist's inner world, directivity of substance, so it is possible to see that the characteristics of the Sunbi spirit are diverse.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.130-138
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• 2011

This study was carried out to investigate growth characteristics and propagation methods of Clerodendron trichotomum for landscape uses. The results are obtained as follows: In the first place, Korean native C. trichotomum was printed in the "Enumeration of plants in Chosun" in 1937 by Tae Hyun Chung. C. trichotomum is a shrub with round shape. This is noted for its late summer flowers, showy fruit and malodorous foliage. White flowers in long-peduncled cymes bloom in the upper leaf axils from late summer into fall. Flowers are followed by small bright blue fruits, each subtended by a fleshy red calyx. C. trichotomum showed high seed germination rate and greater shoot length in plug box than in normal seeding bed. The rooting rate of C. trichotomum according to cutting date was highest on July 7. The optimum date for cutting was on July 7~10 when the shoots were more hardened. Soil acidity ranged from pH 4.58 to 5.52. The most effective method for rooting of C. trichotomum was treatment with 1,000 ppm IBA on July 7 cuttings, which showed rooting rate of over 90%. Korean native C. trichotomum was successfully propagated through soft cutting and seed.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.69-86
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• 2020

Haenghaeng Ilgi (Diary of a Royal Trip) (koo 7152; hereafter Ilgi) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea provides an account of Crown Prince Sado's incognito royal visit to Pyeongyang in the fourth month of 1761. Ilgi was written by Ham Daeil, a low-ranking military officer in Pyeongyang. Ham was singled out for praise by Crown Prince Sado (1735-1762) and served the prince from the seventh day of the fourth month to the first day of the fifth month. Ilgi documented the deeds of Crown Prince Sado during this period and provides detailed information on his incognito visit to Pyeongyang, which was not officially recorded. Ilgi shows characteristics differentiating it from many other diaries. For example, the quality of the paper, neat handwriting, and well-organized sentences differ from those of common diaries. These distinctions indicate that Ilgi is closer to an official document than a private diary written by an individual. Since Ilgi records Crown Prince Sado's incognito visit to Pyeongyang, is only vaguely known otherwise, its contents need to be examined in terms of whether or not they are fully factual. As the first step in such verification, It is traced that Ham Daeil's family history which turned out to match what is written in Ilgi. Moreover, Ilgi mentions about Prince Crown Sado's writing a piece of calligraphy, and a matching piece of calligraphy written by Sado still survives today. It can be confirmed that the contents of Ilgi are factual in at least these regards. However, although Crown Prince Sado was known to have met people from various social classes during his visit to Pyeongyang, Ilgi focuses only on Crown Prince Sado and Ham Daeil. This suggests the possibility that the surviving version of Ilgi may be an edited condensation based on original texts containing more complete information on Crown Prince Sado's visit. Ilgi is presumed to have been produced during the generation of Ham Jeonghui, a son of Ham Daeil. The dates of birth and death of Ham Daeil fall during the reign of King Yeongjo. It is unlikely that any records regarding Crown Prince Sado would have been published while King Yeongjo, who was hostile to Sado, ruled the country. Ilgi also provides strong evidence that Ham Jeonghui presented the subsequent king, King Jeongjo, with the calligraphy by Crown Prince Sado and the diary. It is unclear if the book Ham Jeonghui presented him was the same as the extant version of Ilgi. Nonetheless, considering the situation at the time when King Jeongjo was pursuing several projects to honor his father Sado, it is highly probable that Ilgi was produced during the reign of King Jeongjo. The periods of presenting the calligraphy and the diary respectively overlapped with the production of Hyeollyungwon, the royal tomb of Crown Prince Sado, and Sado's sixtieth birthday. Therefore, is it considered reasonable that Ham Jeonghui produced Ilgi to promote his own social ambitions.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.27
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• pp.267-361
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• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.57-89
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• 2012

The performers preparing for a performance usually experience the process of mental transference, contacting with text (drama) for the first time. It is movement from their everyday life to space in the play, when they try to break the wall between cast and themselves. The transference happens actually at the physical space, such as a dressing room, wing, (place just before appearing at a stage), and a stage (place to contact with audience). Performers keep moving among each psychological and physical space repeatedly, until the performance finishes totally. The transference means moving to each space to another, and the mental borderline means the point of mental change the performers experience during the process of transference. The mental borderline can be guessed to exist through mental aspects the performers feel when they move from each space to another. The most typical example, that shows performer's mental borderline well, is stage fright shown as tension, or anxiety among the variety of aspects. According to a research, the most performers experience that kind of mental aspect just before appearing at a stage. The study on it is already referred by my article.' A Study on Korean Performer's Stage Fright. This study aims at examining the relationship among psychological and physical space the performers experience, mental borderline when transferring and penetrating those spaces, and performer's mental change First, the concept of mental borderline is to be understood totally with preceded research. And the space the performers experience and mental borderline at transference are to be reorganized. Secondly, the area of transference in the process of performance is to be reclassified into physical and mental space. Third, analyzing the actual case of performers experiencing the mental borderline, the diversified use should be searched to make use of mental borderline as a positive element. The psychological symptoms, performers experience in the performance, can have positive consequence beside negative one. The tension occurring at the area of borderline is positive, and it can be the actual borderline for the performers. It will be researched how the performers change at the mental borderline, the state of mind is maintained, and they perform in an overall performance, through the study on the relationship between the transference and the mental borderline. And the stress and concentration caused by stage fright, and shyness will be confirmed, and the positive element of a stage, which is used as various defense mechanism.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.55
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• pp.137-166
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• 2018

Wenn nach dem starken Trinken etwas strafbares passiert, so ist das Gesamtverhalten als $strafw{\ddot{u}}rdig$ und strafbar anzuerkennen. Aber nach dem Schuldprinzip handelt ohne Schuld, wer bei Begehung der Tat $unf{\ddot{a}}hig$ ist, das Unrecht der Tat einzusehen oder nach dieser Einsicht zu handeln(Koinzidenzprinzip). Die Rechtsfigur der "actio libera in causa" dient dazu, diese in $h{\ddot{a}}ufigen$ $F{\ddot{a}}llen$ als kriminalpolitisch $unerw{\ddot{u}}nscht$ empfundene $L{\ddot{u}}cke$ zu umgehen. Dabei kommt auch dem Vollrauschtatbestand in der Praxis $erh{\ddot{o}}hte$ Bedeutung zu. Der deutsche Gesetzgeber war sich bei der Aufnahme des Vollrauschtatbestandes in das Gesetz durchaus $bewu{\ss}t$, $da{\ss}$ die Vorschrift eine Ausnahme zur Schuldzurechnungsregelung darstellte. Er $w{\ddot{a}}hlte$ jedoch die Form eines $selbst{\ddot{a}}ndigen$ Tatbestandes, um die Durchbrechung des reinen Schuldprinzips $ertr{\ddot{a}}glich$ zu machen. Der Vollrauschtatbestand ist ein abstraktes $Gef{\ddot{a}}hrdungdsdelikt$ -demnach die im Rausch verwirklichte rechtswidrige Tat nur objektive Bedingung der Strafbarkeit ist -, das sachlich eine Schuldzurechnungsregelung $enth{\ddot{a}}lt$, und zwar eine Ausnahme $gegen{\ddot{u}}ber$ die Regelungen ${\ddot{u}}ber$ Schuldzurechnung. Dieser Vollrauschtatbestand ist dennoch als regitime $Erg{\ddot{a}}nzung$ der in Schuldzurechnungsregelungen beschriebenen $Schuldzurechnungsgrunds{\ddot{a}}tze$ anzusehen. Er steht $n{\ddot{a}}mlich$ in Einklang mit dem Schuldgrundsatz, wenn als subjektives Tatbestandsmerkmal des Vollrausches die Kenntnis der $Gef{\ddot{a}}hrlichkeit$ des Rauschzustandes $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die Begehung von Delikten vorausgesetzt wird.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.329-354
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• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.379-408
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• 2017

What I wish to show in this paper is the moral educational implication on "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" in a position to consider the alternatives about personality education problems by searching viewpoints on moral training theory on the book. "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" was written by Dasan Jeong-yakyong(茶山 丁若鏞, 1762-1836). In the oriental philosophy, a moral training theory is built on the base of human nature theory. Dasan's moral training theory was also built on his human nature theory. Undoubtedly we could consider that his difference from the moral training theory of Confucianism is reflected in his moral training theory putting stress on practice. Dasan criticized the moral training theory of Confucianism because of its static aspect contemplating mind internally. He stands on the position that the virtue can be come true by the concrete practice. The establishment ground of Dasan's moral training theory is on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說). Dasan didn't consider benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom(仁義禮智) as human nature. He considered that the human nature prefers goodness. So there is no perfect human nature or principle originally to human beings but also directionality to be displayed. We can say that the virtue building by cultivation of directionality get connected to moral training theory. Dasan considered ?The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)? as a practice book for moral training which develops individuals' personality through practice in the reality. He thought that the book cause individuals to follow 'the elementary way(小道)' and to learn 'the elementary art(小藝)' more than academic pursuit. From this viewpoint he showed the practice(行事) of judgment(權衡) by keeping the attitude for the scripture interpretation to pursue the right principles(義理) based on Chinese exegetics(訓?) and the historical evidences(考證) through the whole book. And in the book he suggested the standard of the whole-person education to develop the human nature based on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說), to cognize relationship as an ethical existence, and to pursue the harmony with graphonomy(字學) and Ethics(道學). So we can regard that he realized his practice centered moral education philosophy in the book.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.425-441
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• 2008

Most of Korea's Kyungmaedorock(auction book: 競賣圖錄) and pictorial record of exhibitions in the modern times were usually published in the 1930s. Although 1930s were periods of the Great Depression when economic slump continued because of the aftereffect of the slump in the stocks issued by the US in 1929, during this period, Japan began regular continental invasion starting from invasion of the northeastern area of China. To curio dealers, the 1930s were 'boom period of curio transaction' and in urban cultural aspects, the period is evaluated as the one when the first step of modernism was formed. Collection, photo-printing and arrangement of the data related to modern exhibitions including the Auction Book being published at that time are very important because they enable us to know characteristics of fine arts in the transition period from paintings & writings to fine arts in addition to enabling us to revert the circulation history of our paintings & writings and curios. Furthermore, these data will become important data for reconstitution of the circulation history of the Eastern Asia's modern art works. Although the pictorial record of Joseon's Exhibitions of Chinaware and Wooden Works(朝鮮陶磁木工展) is a small and thin one, it records our country's high level chinaware and wooden works. Although we can't know the exact time for 'Joseon's exhibitions of chinaware and wooden works', they are assumed to have been held in Tokyo, Japan in the 1930s and there seems to have been sale of works, too. As such, studies of the books such as the auction book and exhibitions under Japanese imperialism have the first importance in the fact that through which we can examine the course of outflow of our art works to Japan. Furthermore, they can be studies of art-sociology that examine flow and phase of recognition and taste of art works of those days. And from now on, comparative studies of auctions and exhibitions being held in Japan such as Tokyo, Osaka and etc. as well as art markets in Seoul during modern times would also be necessary.