• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.157-186
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• 2018

Ulsan Soeburi song was reenacted in the 1980s based on the testimony and songs of late Choi Jae man (1987 death), the last blacksmith of the iron production plant at Dalcheon dong, Ulsan in August 1981. The purpose of this study is to analyze Soeburi song from the musical perspective based on 13 kinds of data including video in 1981, and confirm the changing patterns in the tradition process. The derived results are summarized as follows. In the results of examining Soeburi Song data in 2017, the percussion instruments consist of kkwaenggwari 2 (leading small gong 1, follow small gong 1), jing 2 (large gong 2), buk 4 (drum 4), janggu 4 (double headed drum 4), taepyongso 1 (Korean shawm 1), and Jangdan (rhythm) consists of five such as Jilgut, Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi, Jajin Deotbaegi. The vocal songs are sung accompanied by the Deotbaegi Jajin Deotbaegi (beat) of quarter small triplet time, or without accompaniment. The scale is mostly Mi La do's third note or Mi La do re's fourth note, and the range does not exceed one octave. All the cadence tones are the same as La. From the results of observing Soeburi song performance until today after the excavation in 1981, it is found that there are four major changes. First, the composition of the music is differentiated into 'long Jajin (slow fast)', and , , and are added. Second, the singing method is based on 'single cantor + multi post singers' since 1980's reenactment, and a single post singer was also specified from time to time. In addition, , which was performed in 2013, became the foundation of . Third, a melodic change of was observed. All beat structures are quarter small triplet time, but the speed gets slow, Mi La do's three notes are skeletonized to be corrected with high re and low sol, and then the characteristics of Menari tori (the mode appeared in the eastern province of the Korean peninsula) are to be clear. Lastly, the four percussion instruments such as kkwaenggwari, jing, janggu, and buk are frequently used, and depending on the performance, sogo (hand drum), taepyongso, yoryeong (bell) are also added. Jangdan played Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi and Jajin Deotbaegi from the beginning, and thereafter, the Jilgut Jangdan was added. Through these results as above, it is confirmed that at the time of the first excavation, a simple form of such as has been changed into a male labor song, the purpose of which has changed, and that the playability has become stronger and changed into a performing arts.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.143-150
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• 2022

The folk language that lives and breathes in modern works does not just come from old stories, but it is a personal narrative which is based on the experiences of the narrator. Like many genres in oral literature, most of these personal narratives occur from the impulse of communicating and reinventing rather than from the impulse of creating. Compared to traditional folktales, stories about an individual's experiences, such as personal narratives are often performed by adding the individual tendencies of the narrator. In so doing, the phenomenon of "processing the experience by estimating it and reinterpreting the memories roughly" occurs, and this is a significant factor in making the oral literature. However, the question that arises here is: How can we deal with these significant elements that are inevitably captured when performed orally? Text linguistics, the main methodology of this paper, implies the possibility of expressing the impromptu elements of oral literature. Also, textual linguistic analysis of personal narratives provides the possibility of discussing oral characteristics from various angles which have been difficult to analyze, such as on-site atmosphere, speaker mistakes, contradictions in stories, and audience reactions. Hence, it is possible to effectively discuss oral-poetics in oral literature which are based on the one-off of 'words', the 'roughness' of the on-site atmosphere, and the stackability of the 'wisdom of crowds'. Furthermore, it is expected to contribute to the study of personal narrative storytelling that plays an important part in Veabal art in community culture.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.257-290
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• 2021

The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.287-325
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• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.61-94
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• 2018

This article examined that the historical changes and current significance of the Jaedam(재담) and the Xiangsheng(相聲), one of the traditional Korean and Chinese language games. Both Korean Jaedam and Chinese Xiangsheng are representative language games and traditional performing arts for laughing. The origin of the Jaedam can be traced back to Uheui(우희). Uheui has been called Changyouxi in China, Bae Woo-hee, and Jo Hee in Korea. Uheui is the most traditional language game and a variety of performances were derived from its spreading and inheriting process. Among them, Korean Jaedam and Chinese Xiangsheng can be said to be a piece of art that has successfully inherited Uheui tradition. From the late 18th century, Korean Jaedam were established as independent performance arts, and became highly active in many performance by professional joker Park Chun-jae and other performers. With the development of gramophone record in the early 20th century, the Jaedam was mainly made on the theater stage and radio. At this time, the new performance art of 'Mandam(만담)' was derived from the Jaedam, which focused more on satire current events and criticizing the social situation. Mandam has been popular for a long time and then extinct in the 21st century. The jaedam have been handed down only in the Korean traditional performance so far. Meanwhile, Chinese Xiangsheng, which was built in the mid-19th century, a bit later than Korean Jaedam, was initially considered to be a vulgar art of the lower class, but finally became popular in the early 20th century. In the mid-20th century, Xiangsheng was transformed into a new character, which mainly deals with social praise and edification of the masses. But since 'New Xiangsheng' does not focous on a satire on social conditions, the humor has been reduced. In the early 21st century, Xiangsheng was on the verge of extinction just like Mandam, but through the efforts of young actors to revive tradition, another reformation of this art was made to return to tradition and small theater. Currently, the 'traditional Xiangsheng', which has returned to tradition, is once again receiving the love and support of the Chinese audience. Korean Jaedam and Chinese Xiangsheng have many similarities in terms of history and recruitment, but they are now in different fates. There is also a great deal in common ground in terms of the content and form of the two arts. In the case of Xiangsheng, it is one of the traditional folk art forms which is still loved by the Chinese people and has become one of the most important traditional performances. On the other hand, in Korea, Jaedam as independent performance arts has disappeared and now only can be seen in traditional performances such as 'Korean mask theater'. The fact that Korean Jaedam and Chinese Xiangsheng have undergone similar changes in their spreading and inheriting process, while Korean Jaedam have disappeared and Chinese Xiangsheng is well preserved. The reason can be confirmed through the main idea of this article.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.187-221
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• 2018

The style of performance to contemporary nongak is not fixed in a specific period of time, but in conjunction with the total change in society that has occurred during its long time from traditional society to the modern times. It is important to recognize that the traditional performance art forms that we see and feel today, including nongak, are constantly interacting with the times and are a change in the design that has been shaped in the past. Now, we must get rid of the negative idea that there is some fixed prototype in Nongak. Also, the value and the need for preservation of current Nongak should not be evaluated according to the ' pure genealogy of village descent, ' which was possible only in villages with small population movements long ago. If can get rid of the stereotypes, can greatly expand the view that we read the values of a certain Nongak. Looking away from a few of these traditional fixed perceptions can significantly broaden the view of reading the winning values of some farmers ' songs. In this regard, this report determined the performing style and nature of Changwon's Toichon-noangak through a structural analysis of the Toichon-noangak in contemporary, and discussed the significance of the transmittion of Toichon-noangak. Changwon Toichon Nongak started out as an even-present ritual performance based on the religious nature of the village community and actively exchanged with the economic, social and cultural foundations of the Republic of Korea, which began to accumulate in the modern changes. Generally, the performance style of village Nongak has a combination of characteristics according to the ritual, Dure(collective labor), entertainment, and these three functions. Toichon Nongak is also a village Nongak style and in which of ritual nongak and village entertainment nongak are connected in parallel as one in the big total structure. The origin, background, purpose, and style of towing of Toichon noangak demonstrates that the Toichon noangak is originally ceremonial noangak derived from a prayer style of Dongje. Then, various factors influences are interacting with Toichon noangak within the orbit of modern society, such a style of playing, popular nongak, is believed to have undergone an extended change. Overall, Toichon nongak performance style can be called nongak, which maintains traditional customs and it also has the changed characteristics according to the times of village society.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.43
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• pp.7-31
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• 2011

Danjong had suffered the worst misfortune in the history of Lee Dynasty. His throne was usurped by Sejo, his uncle and he was banished to Youngwol where he ended his life for good. Youngwol remembers the last moment of this tragic person clearly through the various traditional stories passed down from the past. In this study, the works assumed to be formed in the contemporary times among Danjong-related stories were targeted. Time of story creation is not known but it could be assumed that the time when heroine of the story was lived may be coincided with the time of traditional story creation, in this story created in a form of experience story. If any objects or elements that may lead to time of traditional story are contained in the story, we may be able to identify the time of traditional story. All of , and were created in the contemporary times. However, these traditional stories are not new at all. If any personal experience story is added on the existing transmitted traditional story, deviation of traditional story near to recreation is taken place. Traditional Danjong story created like this in the contemporary times have some characteristics. First, transmission power of maintaining Danjong story up to the present times was expanded from a nature of misfortune and holiness to general eccentricity. Ability of deity derived from Danjong's grief and grudge is weakened as time goes by and this story is substituted by an amazing things that can be experienced by anybody. Second, at present, Danjong story is transformed to a form of folktale. Danjong story has developed into a myth through deification from a personal legend. This myth is transformed into a folktale everybody can experience in the contemporary times. Third, this story has been recreated in a form of experience story, not a modification. It is said that as the personal experience story is combined with existing traditional stories, a new work of traditional story is created. It could be observed that through contemporary Danjong story, traditional story of historical person could be created in the contemporary times as well and additionally, a process that personal experience story is positioned as a traditional story could be observed. Now is the time to pay attention to various traditional stories being created in the contemporary times like experience stories.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.409-417
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• 2020

Oral-Performance in itself, which successfully narrates one's life, constitutes a kind of decent Verbal arts. The term 'Sijipsali-Narrative' refers to oral narratives portraying a series of events in the course of Women's Life-Story which arise from family life and socio-cultural issues through marriage. As a result, Sijipsali-Narrative belongs to a subcategory of Women's Life-Story. Sijipsali-Narrative can be divided into two categories as follow. One type of Sijipsali-Narrative is the 'Family-Connection sijipsali-narrative,' which results from the relationship between a daughter-in-law and the rest members of the family. Among the 'Family-Connection sijipsali-narratives,' including several forms of Sijipsali such as that of father-in-law and that of husband and that of children, Sijipsali of the mother-in-law is most distinctive. The other type of Sijipsali-Narrative is 'Sociocultural-Connection Sijipsali-narrative', which comes not from human relationship but from general issues a narrator is suffering from as a daughter-in-law in a family. The most universal narrative comes from Sijipsali connected with poverty and historical events, and family history, appearance, attitude of the daughter-in-law and so on can be materials for the narratives. Actually, the two types of Sijipsali narrative is not so much distinguished from each other as intermingled with each other. Sijipsali arising from family relationship can inevitably be related with poverty and some events, which result in conflicts among family members and so harass daughter-in-laws. This thesis has a clear-cut orientation to overview the aspects of the Relationships and Hardships on a 'Sijipsali' Narratives in Korean Women's Married Life.

• 한국노년학
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.359-377
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to examine the direction of the elderly theatre by analyzing an example of the elderly theatre program which is attempted in a way of the welfare of senior citizens in terms of cultural support. To this end, the 'Hoechun Circus' composed of elderly women in Dangjin, South Chungcheong Province, was investigated and analyzed. Research methods uses a case study, performance theory, and peer review strategies to increase the validity of the study. The results of the study are as follows: Firstly, the elderly women intended to communicate with children and adolescents through performance; Secondly, they wanted to communicate with other physically uncomfortable elderly people; Thirdly, they also attempted to communicate with young or middle-aged as well as all residents; Fourthly, they experienced a new genre of theatre to identify themselves in a different ways and enhance their sense of accomplishment and spent their old age pleasantly and informally. Based on these findings, the following suggestions were made. First, we should expand the theatre programs of senior citizens which benchmark the 'Hoechun Circus'. Second, various cases of elderly theater should be studied and policy research to support such elderly theatre is necessary. Besides, educational courses to train elderly theatre experts should also be developed. Third, it should also seek ways for the program to move beyond regional limits and interact with organizations at home and abroad. Fourth, there is room to explore new ways in the field of theater therapy, and the development of sociodrama or psychodrama programs can be an alternative.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.197-222
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• 2019

In the paper, this study will be explored in the migration of the mask dance Eunyeul Talchum from North Korea to South Korea after the national division took place. During and after the Korean War, refugees from the Hwanghae province settled in the Republic of Korea who were performers of the three Korean mask dances: Bongsan Talchum, Kangryeong Talchum and Eunyeul Talchum. All of these mask dances are denoted as South Korea's National Intangible Properties under the Cultural Property Protection Law (1962.) However, Eunyeul Talchum is the only asset among these three that settled in Incheon, instead of the capital, Seoul. The purpose of this research is to examine the process of restoring and the idea of transmitting Eunyeul Talchum in Incheon after the division of Korea. As opposed to Bongsan Talchum and Gangryeong Talchum, which are recognized as major socio-ethnic groups, Eunyeul Talchum belongs to a minority. Because not only Eunyeul Talchum is the last Mask Dance which has been nominated as an Intangible asset among the other Hwanghae Talchum but also, most people in the preservation association are comprised of the second-generation refugees from Hwanghae province. During three months of research, the researcher observed the performances and the educational communicating Eunyeul Talchum's cultural legacy. This study included several research methods: open interview, examination of relevant documents, and live performances. Particularly, the researcher conducted interviews with the Human Cultural Property and musicians (including professional/scholarly to lay/untrained) in the Preservation Association. In conclusion, Eunyeul Talchum preservation association is not as preeminent as other Korean mask dances, it has been transmitted by performers from Hwanghae province with its unique masks and instrumental accompaniment. These performers and educators dedication to maintaining Eunyeul Talchum's attributes contribute largely to the Preservation Association's successful settlement in Incheon. Thus, the researcher examines which idea formed to subsist the Eunyeul Talchum preservation association.