• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.243-249
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• 2021

In the postmodern world, it is widely believed that being a fool or looking foolish can be more profound and unique than being smart and serious. Comic characters, or fool characters in comedy, have been used as basic tools to make people laugh in various cultures around the world. As such, this study will summarize the types of fool characters that have been depicted in plays and organize how they can be categorized in a culture of laughter as well as revealing their characteristics in performing arts. The ridiculous actions and words of fool characters fall outside the common dichotomy of wisdom and foolishness. This is significant and it is because the ways in which they act overturn the values that we consider to be truthful in the world of experience and contain wit and ridicule beyond the general knowledge. Also, it's worth pointing out that many comic characters that appear on TV shows are not all the same. To put it simply, each and every funny character has unique traits and these characters predictably change according to the times. In performing arts, a fool character's personality is displayed through his or her interactions with the audience. That is, on one hand, the character may or may not recognize himself as a fool, while on the other hand, the audience may regard the character as a fool or otherwise. Based on this background, the comic characters that appear in performing arts are categorized into four types and their features are discussed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.285-320
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• 2020

This study aims to examine the processes of changes of the two main roles, Sangjwa(the young Buddist monk) chum and Omjung(the monk with a boil on his face) chum, performed in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori, on the basis of Chumsawi (dance-movement). Above all, having studied many artistic remains performed by Jo jong sun, Jung han gyu, Park jun seup, Kim sung tae from 1929 to 1942, two main roles, in which Geodeureum chum is now an essential part in almost all performances, were then played only in Kkaekki chum to Taryong Jangdan without performances of Geodeureum chum. In case of Sangjwa chum, players had performed ad libitum and without restraint only on the basis of five sorts of Kkaekki chum's movements. In Omjung chum, witty remarks along with the drama had become more important factors than dances. Let alone two main roles, other parts then also showed no big changes in dance performance. Performers just tried to maintain its slender existence within stifling atmosphere because of oppressions and restraints during the Japanese imperialism. After the restoration of independence in 1945, Kim sung tae and his disciples made a great effort on the restoration of Talnori. During the Korean war, many players also endeavored to keep a good track of Talnori, teaching and training their young followers. Especially performers such as Park jun seup, Park sang hwan, Kim sung tae, and Lee jang sun put much more efforts on restoring Talnori. From that time, Geodeureum chum began to appear in two main roles' performances. In Sangjwa's performances, Byeogsa ritual dance, which was performed to Taryong Jangdan, changed into performances to Yeombul Jangdan, and Kkaekki chum -originally slow and ritual dance, became very fast and active one. Geodeureum chum, called Yongteulim, was added in Omjung chum, so that dance had more important role in performance. Even at this time, dance movements were not clearly and completely organized and arranged, because Geodeureum chum's performance was not clearly defined as orderly dance movements but was regarded as just a movement. After Geodeureum chum being designated as a cultural treasure, Lee byeong kwon took over the task from Park sang hwan, Sangjwa chum's performer, so Geodeureum chum became much more well organzied, arranged and orderly. Geodeureum chum played by Sangjwa had almost the same order of scenes and movements as Geodeureum chum played by Yeonnip. Based on this performance, the order of dances and movements was consistently arranged and settled. Following Park jun seup's performances, Jangsam was more widely applied and used in Omjung chum than ever before, so Omjung chum became much more organized and arranged. Well-arranged Omjung chum had also almost the same dances and movements as Nojang chum's. Yeonnip and Nojang's performances were not directly and intentionally studied and applied to two main roles in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori. Players seemed to borrow those parts naturally through many times of performances. Through their persistent efforts, Jangdan and dance movements have more clearly and completely been organized, establied, and improved through many years' performances. And dance movement can be performed exactly to Jangdan, so we have more complete and orderly types of dance movements. Thanks to many performers' efforts, Sangjwa chum has been established as one that only top performer can play, and Omjung chum has become an integral part in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.175-202
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• 2017

In this article, I focused on the identity of the Japanese magician, Tenkatsu(天勝), who appeared in Exhibition of Joseon, 1915, and the social gaze and reverberation of them. I would like to see how Tenkatsu group appeared, how it was active, and how it was utilized. Because It was a big stimulus for traditional performing artists. 'Ma-sul' was a new word, taking the place of 'Hwan-sul(幻術)' or 'Hwan-hee'(幻?) for a term of english 'Magic'. In the various articles published during the Japanese colonial period, we can find the performers of the contemporary magic and the Korean artists who tried to make them nationalized. In the mid-1920s, a magician of Korean origin appeared. Kim Mun-phil(김문필), Park Chang-sun(박창순), Kim Wan-shil(김완실) were them. They had experience of studying abroad, such as Russia, and were also helped by religion, the Chondo-kyo. They attracted popularity while touring around the country. Incidents of social problems often arise by linking magic to a form of fraud, though. But the appearance of a Korean magician confirms the existence of a performer who actively engages in new performances.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.291-332
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• 2012

Cham is the Buddhist ritual dance performed at the religious festival of Lamaism. It has been spread and performed at the Lamaist monastery of Tibet, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Monglia. The type and style of Cham are differntiated by the region and sect. However, they share the common aim of exorcising all evils symbolized by linga who resists the Buddhist dharma, and thereby celebrating the victory of Buddhism. This paper deals with the ritualistic concept and structure of Cham with a focus on Hemis Chetsu of Ladakh located at the extreme north of India. The festival is held to honor the birthday of $Padm{\bar{a}}sambhava$ who is the founder of Tibetan Buddhism in the 8th century. As a result, this paper drew the characteristics of Cham performance such as dance as the incarnation of sacred beings, ritualistic offering, visualization meditation as well as the ritual space as a mandala, the ritualistic intent of stylized acting, accumulative performance structure, the $Mahay{\bar{a}}nic$ motif of performance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.321-359
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• 2021

This paper examines the unique features of Korean farmer's music-or nongak-in Hawaii by exploring three nongak groups from different decades beginning in the 1970s. The first community-based nongak group began in the 1970s, with the establishment of the Wahiawa Korean Seniors Club. In the 1980s, there was another group supported by the Kalihi-Palama Immigrant Service Center. And in the 1990s, the Hawaii Korean Farmer's Music Assoiation, which is still active, was founded. I ullustrate the overall changes made by the three nongak groups as follows. First, they show a shift from social groups playing music to a music group doing social activities. Second, from a group of people negotiating their music, through a group led by musical leadership, to a group with a leader who created his own musical leadership. Third, from a music group began out of a pseudo-shaman ritual, through a group purely playing music, to a group adding samulnori and further creating a new rhythmic pattern. These changes occurred because, while the members are all first-generation immigrants, their experience of nongak in the motherland was different because of their age differences. In addition, they emerged because the level of awareness and acceptance of samulnori-which has gained huge popularity in Korea-were different.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.5-30
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• 2019

Gut, Korean shamanist performance, is the archetype of Korean art therapy. It is because gut has the archetype of Korean mind and expresses the archetype in an artistic and therapeutic way. This paper compares and analyzes Gunung-geori of Hwanhaedo-gut and art therapy theories from two perspectives: the range of therapy and the therapeutic principles of performing ways. Gunung-geori aims to solve prolonged conflicts within a family, linking individual problems to family relationship. Such a therapeutic effect of Gunung-geori is well explained through the theory of Bowen's Family Therapy. Also the therapeutic principles that Gunung-geori's performing way are closely related to "transference" of Freud and "putting in the role" in drama therapy.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.88-123
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• 2009

Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is a local festival of Yeongnam that was initially designated as Intangible Cultural Heritage No. 44 "Hanjanggun Nori" in 1971 and finally became Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival in 2007. At first, few parts of it were designated for preservation and it was succeeded as a whole without connections between each part. Problems also rise from the fact that it has not been closely studied. Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is mostly classified into five parts: Keungut, Yeowonmu, Hojanggut, Hanmyoje, and Jainpalgwangdae. This study has closely discussed each part as follows: 1. Keungut 1) Process and Contents of Keungut - Characteristics of Gut in Daegu and Gyeongsan 2) Presence of Performers that can Execute Traditional Gut of Local Area 3) Problems with the Name of Keungut - Ex: 'Hanjanggungut' or 'Keungut' 4) Problems of Dano Festival without Parts to Summon and Send off Spirits before and After Keungut and Restoration Measures 2. Yeowonmu 1) Essence of Yeowonmu and Yeowonhwa 2) Problems with the Mass Game of Hundreds of High School Girls 3) Origin and Succession of Yeowonmu 3. Hojanggut 1) Changes in Characters of Hojanggut 2) Composition and Characteristics of Hojanggut 3) Problems with the Name and Characteristics of Hojanggut 4. Jainpalgwangdae Nori 1) Similarity with Newly Created Shows 2) Problems with the Name of Palgwangdae 3) Difference with the Composition of Other Mask Dances 4) Dances and Movements Distinguished from Other Mask Dances in Yeongnam The following are the solutions suggested for Gyeongsan Jain Dano Festival. First, for the restoration of Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival, Dano festivals and Byeolsinje of nearby areas with clear traditions could be benchmarked. Second, the major content of Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is 'Hanjanggungut,' and it has to be the leading content of the festival. Third, the structural principle of Korean festival must be adopted and the process and principle must correspond to those of other traditional shows. Fourth, as Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is the comprehensive form of art, folk, and festival, each part must be closely related in a well-planned scenario. Fifth, Intangible talents and successful training must be widely acknowledged for successful transmission and responsible performances. Sixth, traditional festivals must be restored along with the discovery and development of various festival repertories and spectacles such as tour programs and experiential tours that contribute to local economy.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.309-338
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• 2010

This article is about seeking for modern festival possibility of Mudang gut with noticing a festival essence of it. Several components and process of performing Maeul gut can be a festival. But the recent condition of gut pan obstructs becoming a festival. Above of all, distorted eyes on Mudang gut deny a festivity. Transition into seeking for private fortune and the duplicity of concealing a Mudang gut have weakened a festivity of Mudang gut. Maeul gut becomes a ceremony with unequal distribution of support fund and the support fund on intangible cultural assets. Therefore, we should consider Mudang gut as a game. People need to change their preception as a performance that people can actively take part in. Mudang gut need a active participants not bystanders. When people consider them selves as actors, Mudang gut will be a festival.