• Applied Microscopy
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.27-40
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• 1993

This study was taken to examine the light microscopic and ultrastructural changes of gill and kidney of female tilapia{Oreochromis niloticus) adapted in 0%o, 10%o, 20%o, and 30%o salt concentrations, respectively, by light, scanning and transmission electron microscope. The results obtained in these experiments were summarized as follows: Gill chloride cell hyperplasia, gill lamellar epithelial separation, kidney glomerular shrinkage, blood congestion in kidneys and deposition of hyalin droplets in kidney glomeruli, tubules were the histological alterations in Oreochromis niloticus. Incidence and severity of gill chloride cell hyperplasia rapidly increased together with increase of salinity, and the number of chloride cells in gill lamellae rapidly increased in response to high external NaCl concentrations. The ultrastructure by scanning electron microscope(SEM) indicated that the gill secondary lamella of tilapia(Oreochromis niloticus) exposed to seawater, were characterized by rough convoluted surfaces during the adaptation. Transmission electron microscopy(TEM) indicated that mitochondria in chloride cells exposed to seawater, were both large and elongate and contained well-developed cristae. TEM also showed the increased chloride cells exposed to seawater. The presence of two mitochondria-rich cell types is discussed with regard to their possible role in the hypoosmoregulatory changes which occur during seawater-adaptation. Most Oreochromis niloticus adapted in seawater had an occasional glomerulus completely filling Bowman's capsule in kidney, and glomerular shrinkage was occurred higher in kidney tissues of individuals living in 10%o, 20%o, 30%o of seawater than in those living in 0%o of freshwater, and blood congestion was occurred severer in kidney tissues of individuals living 20%o, 30%o of seawater than in those living in 10%o of seawater. There were decreases in the glomerular area and the nuclear area in the main segments of the nephron, and that the nuclear areas of the nephron cells in seawater-adapted tilapia were of smaller size than those from freshwater-adapted fish. Our findings demonstrated that Oreochromis niloticus tolerated moderately saline environment and the increased body weight living in 30%o was relatively higher than that living in 10%o in spite of histopathological changes.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2016

The results of investigation on the spatial composition and landscape characteristics of Shimwon-pavilion garden built and enjoyed by Jo Byeong-sun in 1937 during the period of Japanese colonialism based on 'Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgii(水石記)' and 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries(二十五詠)' contained in 'Anthology of Giheon(寄軒)' are as follows. 1. Shimwon-pavilion garden is assumed as Byeol-Seo garden based on the planning background and contents of Gimun and the observations on spot. By its location, it is classified as 'Planted forest' with a pine forest in the north and 'Byeol-Seo of mooring type' with Guyacheon flowing in the garden. It is about 400m away from the main house in the straight-line distance. 2. The meaning and attributes of reclusiveness are well represented in the 'screening structures' all around Shimwon-pavilion garden with Hakrimsan, a Gasan(假山) in the north, vines on Chwibyeong(翠屛) in the east and west, Eunbyeong(隱屛) of stone walls along with Guyacheon in the south, which shows the spirit of Giheon who adored the Taoistic life. 3. Shimwon-pavilion garden, located in the Songrimsa, a temple of thousand years, is a place of consilience where Buddhism was accepted, Taoistic life was pursued with Tao Yuan-ming's philosophy regarding rural areas and romantic sensibilities of Li Po, called poem master(詩仙), the confucian values of Zhu Xi were realized. Giheon intended to build and enjoy this place as a microcosm and shelther where he unfolded his own view of learning and cultivated his mind. 4. 25 sceneries on Shimwon-pavilion consist of 5 sceneries in the space of pavilion(architecture) and 20 sceneries in the outer garden. First, 5 sceneries consist of ancillary rooms for various uses, including Jeongunru, Amsushil, Wiryujae, Iyeoldang, and Jeong-Gak Shimwon-pavilion embracing them, which shows that Shimwon-pavilion is a place to foster younger students. And 20 scenary is divided into 9 sceneries on the natural spaces and 11 artificially created facilities. 9 sceneries are engraved on the rocks as described in 'Seokgyeonggi'. 5. 4 sceneries of the indoor scenery lexemes(亭閣 心遠亭 怡悅堂 停雲樓 闇修室) were intended to be recognized by the framed pictures, 5 places among the scenery lexemes in garden(龜巖 醒石 隱屛 兩忘臺 東槃) by letters carved on the rocks, and 8 places(君子沼 杞泉 天光雲影橋 芳園 槐岡 柳堤 石扉 東翠屛) by sign stones, but signs of 8 sceneries are not currently identified because they have been be swept away and demolished. 6. A variety of plant landscapes with various meanings and water landscape with various types are contained in 25 sceneries - Sophora symbolizing a tree for scholar in Gehgang(槐岡), Willow symbolizing Tao Yuanming and continued vitality in Yooje(柳堤), Boxthorn symbolizing family togetherness in spring(杞泉), vines and herbal plants and waterfalls(隱瀑), shallow pond(君子沼), pond(湯池), water hole(杞泉), water flowing in the middle of rock(盤陀石), water flowing between the rocks(水口巖). 7. While Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden near the water, the active involvements with 11 sceneries directly built is distinguished. The other pavilion gardens are faithful in engraving the names by setting the scenery lexemes of the nature-oriented Gyeong(景) and Gok(曲) near and far, but Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden for active learning(修景) with the spaces built to match with the beautiful nature and to show the depths of space off.

• Journal of radiological science and technology
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.137-144
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• 2005

To find the personal radiation dose of radiological technologists, a survey was conducted to 623 radiological technologists who had been working at 44 general hospitals in Korea's 16 cities and provinces from 1998 to 2002. A total of 2,624 cases about personal radiological dose that were collected were analyzed by region, year and hospital, the results of which look as follows : 1. The average radiation dose per capita by region and year for the 5 years was 1.61 mSv. By region, Daegu showed the highest amount 4.74 mSv, followed by Gangwon 4.65 mSv and Gyeonggi 2.15 mSv. The lowest amount was recorded in Chungbuk 0.91 mSv, Jeju 0.94 mSv and Busan 0.97 mSv in order. By year, 2000 appeared to be the year showing the highest amount of radiation dose 1.80 mSv, followed by 2002 1.77 mSv, 1999 1.55 mSv, 2001 1.50 mSv and 1998 1.36 mSv. 2. In 1998, Gangwon featured the highest amount of radiological dose per capita 3.28 mSv, followed by Gwangju 2.51 mSv and Daejeon 2.25 mSv, while Jeju 0.86mSv and Chungbuk 0.85 mSv belonged to the area where the radiation dose remained less than 1.0 mSv In 1999, Gangwon also topped the list with 5.67 mSv, followed by Daegu with 4.35 mSv and Gyeonggi with 2.48 mSv. In the same year, the radiation dose was kept below 1.0 mSv. in Ulsan 0.98 mSv, Gyeongbuk 0.95 mSv and Jeju 0.91 mSv. 3. In 2000, Gangwon was again at the top of the list with 5.73 mSv. Ulsan turned out to have less than 1.0 mSv of radiation dose in the years 1998 and 1999 consecutively, whereas the amount increased relatively high to 5.20 mSv. Chungbuk remained below the level of 1.0 mSv with 0.79 mSv. 4. In 2001, Daegu recorded the highest amount of radiation dose among those ever analyzed for 5 years with 9.05 mSv, followed by Gangwon with 4.01 mSv. The area with less than 1.0 mSv included Gyeongbuk 0.99 mSv and Jeonbuk 0.92 mSv. In 2002, Gangwon also led the list with 4.65 mSv while Incheon 0.88 mSv, Jeonbuk 0.96 mSv and Jeju 0.68 mSv belonged to the regions with less than 1.0 mSv of radiation dose. 5. By hospital, KMH in Daegu showed the record high amount of average radiation dose during the period of 5 years 6.82 mSv, followed by GAH 5.88 mSv in Gangwon and CAH 3.66 mSv in Seoul. YSH in Jeonnam 0.36 mSv comes first in the order of the hospitals with least amount of radiation dose, followed by GNH in Gyeongnam 0.39 mSv and DKH in Chungnam 0.51 mSv. There is a limit to the present study in that a focus is laid on the radiological technologists who are working at the 3rd referral hospitals which are regarded to be stable in terms of working conditions while radiological technologists who are working at small-sized hospitals are excluded from the survey. Besides, there are also cases in which hospitals with less than 5 years since establishment are included in the survey and the radiological technologists who have worked for less than 5 years at a hospital are also put to survey. We can't exclude the possibility, either, of assumption that the difference of personal average radiological dose by region, hospital and year might be ascribed to the different working conditions and facilities by medical institutions. It seems therefore desirable to develop standardized instruments to measure working environment objectively and to invent device to compare and analyze them by region and hospital more accurately in the future.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.39 no.4 s.261
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• pp.269-274
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• 2006

Background: Tetralogy of Fallot (TOF) with pulmonary atresia and major aortopulmonary collateral arteries (MAPCAS) is complex lesion with marked heterogeneity of pulmonary blood supply and arborization anomalies. Patients with TOF with PA and MAPCAS have traditionally required multiple staged unifocalization of pulmonary blood supply before undergoing complete repair. In this report, we describe recent change of strategy and the results in our institution. Material and Method: We established surgical stratagies: early correction, central mediastinal approach, initial RV-PA conduit interposition, and aggressive intervention. Between July 1998 and August 2004, 23 patients were surgically treated at our institution. We divided them into 3 groups by initial operation method; group I: one stage total correction, group II: RV-PA conduit and unifocalization, group III: RV-PA conduit interposition only. Result: Mean ages at initial operation in each group were $13.9{\pm}16.0$ months (group 1), $10.4{\pm}15.6$ months (group II), and $7.9{\pm}7.7$ months (group III). True pulmonary arteries were not present in f patient and the pulmonary arteries were confluent in 22 patients. The balloon angioplasty was done in average 1.3 times (range: $1{\sim}6$). There were 4 early deaths relating initial operation, and 1 late death due to incracranial hemorrhage after definitive repair. The operative mortalities of initial procedures in each group were 25.0% (1/4: group I), 20.0% (2/10: group II), and 12.2% (1/9: group III). The causes of operative mortality were hypoxia (2), low cardiac output (1) and sudden cardiac arrest (1). Definitive repair rates in each group were 75% (3/4) in group I, 20% (2/10, fenestration: 2) in group II, and 55.0% (5/9, fenestration: 1) in group III. Conclusion: In patients of TOF with PA and MAPCAS, RV-PA connection as a initial procedure could be performed with relatively low risk, and high rate of definitive repair can be obtained in the help of balloon pulmonary angioplasty. One stage RV-PA connection and unifocalization appeared to be successful in selected patients.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.51-56
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• 2019

Purpose: The usefulness of using single-electron radiation for secondary radiotherapy of breast cancer patients after surgery is assessed and the use of a combine of different energy. Methods and materials : In this study, 40 patients (group A) using energy 6 MeV and 9 MeV, and 19 patients (group B) using a combine of 9 MeV and 12 MeV were studied among 59 patients who performed secondary care using combine electronic radiation. Each patient in each group, 6 MeV, 9 MeV, Combine(6 MeV / 9 MeV) and 9 MeV, 12 MeV, Combine (9 MeV / 12 MeV) were developed in different ways, and the maximum doses delivered to the original hospital, D95, D5, and $V_3$, $V_5$, $V_{10}$ were compared. Result: The D95 mean value of Group A treatment plan was $785.33{\pm}225.37cGy$, $1121.79{\pm}87.02cGy$ at 9 MeV, and $1010.98{\pm}111.17cGy$ at 6 MeV / 9 MeV, and the mean value at 6 MeV / 9 MeV was most appropriate for the dose. The mean values of the low dose area $V_3$ and $V_5$ in the lung of the breast direction being treated were $3.24{\pm}3.49%$ and $0.72{\pm}1.55%$ at 6 MeV, the highest 9 MeV at $7.25{\pm}4.59%$, $3.07{\pm}2.64%$, the lowest at 6 MeV. Maximum and average lung dose was $727.78{\pm}137.27cGy$ at 6 MeV / 9 MeV, $49.16{\pm}24.44cGy$, highest 9 MeV at $998.97{\pm}114.35cGy$, $85.33{\pm}41.18cGy$, and lowest 6 MeV at $387.78{\pm}208.88cGy$, $9.27{\pm}6.60cGy$. The value of $V_{10}$ was all close to zero. Group B appeared in the pattern of Group A. Conclusion: Relative differences in low-dose areas of the lungs $V_3$ and $V_5$ were seen and were most effective in the dose transfer of tumor bed in the application of combined energy. It is thought that the method of using electronic energy in further radiation treatments for breast cancer is a more effective way to use the energy effect of limiting energy resources, and that if you think about it again, it could be a little more beneficial radiation treatment for patients.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.4-31
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• 2018

It is difficult to ascertain exactly when the Hongjuupseong (Town Wall) was first constructed, due to it had undergone several times of repair and maintenance works since it was piled up newly in 1415, when the first year of the reign of King Munjong (the 5th King of the Joseon Dynasty). Parts of its walls were demolished during the Japanese occupation, leaving the wall as it is today. Hongseong region is also susceptible to historical earthquakes for geological reasons. There have been records of earthquakes, such as the ones in 1978 and 1979 having magnitudes of 5.0 and 4.0, respectively, which left part of the walls collapsed. Again, in 2010, heavy rainfall destroyed another part of the wall. The fortress walls of the Hongjuupseong comprise various rocks, types of facing, building methods, and filling materials, according to sections. Moreover, the remaining wall parts were reused in repair works, and characteristics of each period are reflected vertically in the wall. Therefore, based on the vertical distribution of the walls, the Hongjuupseong was divided into type I, type II, and type III, according to building types. The walls consist mainly of coarse-grained granites, but, clearly different types of rocks were used for varying types of walls. The bottom of the wall shows a mixed variety of rocks and natural and split stones, whereas the center is made up mostly of coarse-grained granites. For repairs, pink feldspar granites was used, but it was different from the rock variety utilized for Suguji and Joyangmun Gate. Deterioration types to the wall can be categorized into bulging, protrusion of stones, missing stones at the basement, separation of framework, fissure and fragmentation, basement instability, and structural deformation. Manually and light-wave measurements were used to check the amount and direction of behavior of the fortress walls. A manual measurement revealed the sections that were undergoing structural deformation. Compared with the result of the light-wave measurement, the two monitoring methods proved correlational. As a result, the two measuring methods can be used complementarily for the long-term conservation and management of the wall. Additionally, the measurement system must be maintained, managed, and improved for the stability of the Hongjuupseong. The measurement of Nammunji indicated continuing changes in behavior due to collapse and rainfall. It can be greatly presumed that accumulated changes over the long period reached the threshold due to concentrated rainfall and subsequent behavioral irregularities, leading to the walls' collapse. Based on the findings, suggestions of the six grades of management from 0 to 5 have been made, to manage the Hongjuupseong more effectively. The applied suggested grade system of 501.9 m (61.10%) was assessed to grade 1, 29.5 m (3.77%) to grade 2, 10.4 m (1.33%) to grade 3, 241.2 m (30.80%) and grade 4. The sections with grade 4 concentrated around the west of Honghwamun Gate and the east of the battlement, which must be monitored regularly in preparation for a potential emergency. The six-staged management grade system is cyclical, where after performing repair and maintenance works through a comprehensive stability review, the section returned to grade 0. It is necessary to monitor thoroughly and evaluate grades on a regular basis.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.145-176
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• 2016

This paper aims to define the leadership of Gunja (君子, translated into prince, gentleman, or ideal man) based on Confucian Classics which offer the general values and norms of individuals' virtue and social virtuous acts. Thus, humanitarianism is regarded as true value, and the values of a virtuous person who properly practices social human relationships are discussed. The real worth of Gunja image is discussed as a true human image of "self-completion and completion of all things" (成己成物) which involves the convergence of truth, good and beauty where there is a sense of harmony and balance, where there is stern self discipline and self cultivation and where win-win values of human relationships are created. Confucian saint (聖人), wise man (賢人), great man (大人), and gentleman (君子) mean social leaders. They practice human morals, enlighten and beautify society with teachings, and are indicated as equipped with mental and material harmony, good character and competence, and economic power and morality. People today pursue their own personal growth according to their material preferences rather than pure intellectual cultural values, and are engrossed in visually beautiful external unlimited competition. In this digital age, we are supposed to demonstrate our individuality, but many people are obsessed with appearance, go on severe diet, and lose their health beauty, and consequently suffer mental stress. This trend fuels obsession with appearance and the sick practice of valuing appearance. As an alternative method to overcome this phenomenon, we need a leader image with the convergence of truth, good and beauty, which is characterized by internal self cultivation, external professionalism, and handsome and solid character. Confucian thoughts consist in practicing the Way of disciplining oneself for governing others (修己治人). Self discipline involves developing personal virtuous ability for cultivating a virtuous character, and governing others involves interacting to work together in society and to have right human relationships. Thus, leaders should impress not only themselves but also others. Self discipline for governing others means cultivating virtue for oneself and leading others. A true leader has self introspection and establishes himself through self discipline so that he can govern others or reach the realm of settling others where people live together. As all things have a value and a virtue, humans endeavor to cultivate character and virtue by learning and studying for securing their professionalism, reliability, character and ability, so as to create their own brand value. Personal character does not come from a high position, wealth and power. Character is a personal virtue, and is cultivated as immaculate and fresh through self discipline. As such, it well matches with a clean and clear spirit. This offers the ideal leader as the Guja image who has an extremely humane character, as well as being equipped with inherent virtues of intellect, benevolence and courage. Self development can foster virtue and self management through self leadership and self discipline. The leader in the relationship area can practice his virtue through virtuous acts, in other words, even think from another person's perspective. Such leader is mentioned as the principle of measuring square in the Great Learning. In our viewpoint, the beauty of character can breed the seed of virtue through intellect, benevolence and courage, the beauty of win-win can realize the right virtue by showing exemplary acts to others through considerateness, and the beauty of harmony can love and care for others like me through the principle of measuring square, thereby realizing the universal principle of virtue and harmony, which is like my mind. As such, the ideal leader, when his virtue and mind of being considerate of others all blending well, can exercise his ability to the full, can live together and coexist with many people, and can grow again into a triumphant relationship.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.309-334
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• 2012

This study attempts to study in what form Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty has existed and discuss the contents and characteristics of ideological aspects forming the foundation of private Taoism. While Guan Yu Belief(關帝信仰) in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is a folk belief focusing on Guan Yu, Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎) and Musangdan(無相壇) are religious groups with organization. In case of Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎), 'Seoneumjeul' contains perspective of Tian(天觀) of Confucianism but the ascetic practice method is to practice by reciting the name of the Buddha and the targets of a belief are Gwanje, Munchang, Buwoo. This shows the unified phenomenon of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Guan Yu Belief started at the national level led by the royal family of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 was firmly settled in non-official circles. Guan Yu in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is expressed as the incarnation of loyalty and filial piety as well as God controlling life, death and fate. As this divine power and empowerment were spreading as scriptures among people, Guan Yu Belief was settled as a target to defeat the evil and invoke a blessing. Seoneumjeulgyo is the religious group that imitated 'Paekryunsa(白蓮社)' of Ming Qing time of China. Seoneumjeulgyo emphasized 'sympathy' with God through chanting. And it expressed writing written in the state of religious ecstasy as 'Binan(飛鸞).' Binan is also called as revelation and means to be revealed from heaven in the state united with God. Seoneumjeulgyo pursued the state united with God through a recitation of a spell and made scriptures written in the state united with God as its central doctrine. Musangdan published and spread Nanseo(鸞書,Book written by the revelation from God) and Seonso(善書) while worshipping Sam Sung Je Kun(三聖帝君). The scriptures of Folk Taoismin the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty can be roughly divided into Nanseo(鸞書) and Seonso(善書). Nanseo is a book written by the revelation from God and Seonso is a book to the standards of good deeds and encourage a person to do them such as Taishangganyingbian(太上感應篇) and Gonghwagyuk(功過格). The characteristics of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty are as follows. First, a shrine of Guan Yu built for political reasons played a central role of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Second, specific private Taoist groups such as Temple $Myory{\breve{o}}nsa$ and Musangdan appeared in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. These are Nandan Taoism(鸞壇道敎) that pursued the unity of God through 'sympathy' with God. Third, private Taoism of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ was influenced by the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with private Taoism in the Qing Dynasty of China and religious organization form etc. Fourth, the Folk Taoism scriptures of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are divided into Nanseo and Seonso and Nanseo directly made in $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ is expected to be the key to reveal the characteristics of Folk Taoism.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.