• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.59-104
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• 2023

This essay attempts to analyze the public health welfare conception within the text of the Beveridge Report and its realization via the NHS in Great Britain. Once referring to the influence of the Report to create the foundations of the 20th-century welfare system, the quest to scrutinize the original intentions of the Report and its succession to the NHS is certainly intriguing. Furthermore, when regarding the significance of public health policy for a modern state, the effort to engage in Beveridge's conception and its realization is more than timely. In light of such a premise, this paper indulges in its study by the following methods. First, the historical background of the Report - namely, the role of the spirit of the age and the experience of the Emergency Medical Service are to be analyzed to identify the origins of the welfare policies proposed by Beveridge. Furthermore, the public health welfare conception of the Report conceived from its time is reflected upon by engaging on the goal towards social welfare and public health scheme. Lastly, the aims of the NHS and its management, treatment classification, and rehabilitation program are reviewed for comparative analysis with the Report to survey the realization of Beveridge's design. In this process, this paper not only takes into account the original text of the Report - but also other essential works of law and public policy, including the NHS Constitution for England and the National Health Service Act of 1946. The intentions of this study are not bound by merely coinciding with the Report, but resonate significance via reflecting upon the Beveridgian legacy on the modern welfare state from the current perspective. The structured analysis to research the aims and policies of the Report and to compare them to the reality of the NHS may provide an opportunity to confirm the realization of Beveridge's scheme in British society. In addition, this essay is part of an academic endeavor to critically assess the past and the present of the welfare institution in the public health sector. As such, it is hopeful that the essay sheds light on further studies concerning the constructive remedies of the Korean welfare system as well.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.226-241
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• 2020

Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.30-46
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• 1992

Korea's first exploratory tuna fishing was done with a used longliner in 1957. Then the commercial fishing has been made steady headway since the 1960's and grown up to one of major tuna fishing countries in 1970's. The tuna fishing aimed primarily at acquiring foreign currency, then tuna was exported directly from the overseas fishing base. Tuna, however, has been gradually favored by Koreans as high-proteined foods according to the growth of GNP since the 1970's. In 1980, the canned tuna began to be produced and sold at home. And so the demand of raw tuna for cannaries has steeply increased not only for home but also for abroad, and stimulated the development of tuna purse seine fishery. The author carried out a study on the development of tuna purse seine fishery in Korea and countries concerned-the United States and Japan-because it is recognized to be significant for the further development of this fishery. Just as purse seining was originated in the United States, so tuna purse seining was also pioneered by Californian fishermen in the west coastal waters of the United States (Eastern Pacific Ocean). They started to produce the canned tuna in the early 1900's, and the demand for raw tuna began to be increased rapidly. In those days, tuna was mostly caught by pole-and-line, but the catch amount was far away from the demand. To satisfy this demand, they began to try out fishing tuna by the use of purse seine which had been born in the eastern waters in the 1820's and applied to catch white fishes in the western waters of the United States in those days. Even though their trial was technically successful through severe trial and error, a new problem was raised on the management of tuna resource and the preservation of porpoise which was occassionally caught with tuna. Then the Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission (IATTC) was established by countries neighboring to the United States in 1950 and they set up the Commission's Yellowfin Regulatory Area (CYRA) and regulated the annual quota for yellowfin. Then, American owners tried to send their seiners to the Western African waters to expand the fishing ground in 1967 and to the Centeral-Western Pacfic in 1974, and the fishing ground was widely expanded. The number of the United States' purse seiners amounted to about 150 in 1980, but the enthusiasm was gradually cooled thereafter and the number of seiner was decreased to 67 in 1986. The landing of tuna by purse seiners in the United States after 1980 maintains 200 thousands M/T or so with a little increase despite the decreasing of domestic seiners. This shows that the landing by foreign seiners are increasing, compared with the landing by domestic seiners are decreasing. In Japan, even though purse seining was introduced in 1880, they had fished tuna by longline and pole-and -line until the tuna purse seining was introduced from the United States again. In the 1960's, Japanese tuna seiners made the exploratory fishing in the South-western Pacific and West African waters with a limited success. In 1971, the government-funded research center "JARMRAC" conducted the exploratory fishing which extended to the Central American waters, the Asia-Pacific Region and the South-western Pacific. It had also much difficulties, till they improved the fishing gear adaptable to the new fishing condition in the South-western Pacific. Japanese government has begun to licence 32 single seiners and 7 group seiners since 1980 and their standard has lasted up to now. The catch in the Pacific Islands Region amounted to 160 thousands M/T in 1986. Korea's tuna purse seine fishery was originated in 1971 by Jedong Industrial Co., Ltd. with three used tuna purse seiners purchased from the United States, and they began to fish in the Eastern Pacific, but failed owing to the superannuation of vessel and the infancy of fishing technique. The second challenge was done by Dongwon Industrial Co., Ltd. in 1979, with one used seiner purchased from the United States, and started to fish in the Eastern Pacific. Even though the first trial was almost unsuccessful but they could obtain the noticeable success by removing the vessel to the South-western Pacific in 1980. This success stimulated the Korean entherprisers to take part in this fishery, and the number of Korean tuna purse seiners has been increased rapidly in accordance with the increased demand for raw tuna. The number of vessels actually at work amounted to 36 in 1990 and they operate in the South-western Pacific. The annual catch of tuna by purse seiners amounted to 170 thousands M/T in 1990 and ranked to one of the major tuna purse seining countries in the world.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.1-19
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• 2013

This study was carried out to analyze distribution situation of alien plants and to propose management plan in the 3 Folk village in Gyeongsangbuk-do which is Cultural property designated by the State; Hahoe, Yangdong and Hangae. This research is for improve of sincerity of historical site and provide basic information which use about administration of preservation. The results are as follows. 1. Overall flora and alien plants appearance The total flora in the 3 folk villages were listed total 752 taxa including 127 families, 430 genera, 614 species, 5 subspecies, 100 varieties and 33 forms. Among them, woody plants take 263 taxa(35.0%) and herbaceous plants take 489 taxa (65.0%). Flora in the Hahoe, Yangdong and Hangae village were total 534, 479 taxa and 408 taxa and exotic plant index was 30.1%, 38.2% and 37.0% respectively. In types of exotic plants, ornamental exotic plants were 135 taxa, deciduous exotic plants were 21 taxa, cultivating exotic plants were 64 taxa, and naturalized exotic plants were 80 taxa and those result lead that the ornamental exotic plants is the highest ratio. According to the villages, Hahoe village had 161 taxa(30.1%), Yangdong Village had 183 taxa(38.2%), and Hangae village had 151 taxa(37.0%) that Yangdong village showed the most number of exotic plants. 2. Planting of landscape exotic plants in the unit cultural assets Meanwhile, Ornamental exotic plants in old house's gardens in Andong Hahoe village which is designated as a unit assets, those are total 30 taxa; followed by the Okyeon house(8 taxa) is highest and the Yangjindang(7), the Hadong house(6) and the Chunghyodang(5). Magnolia denudata appears the most as for 4 times and Campsis grandiflora etc. each took 2 times. Based on the Yangdong village, Gyeongju, that are found total 51 taxa; followed by the Dugok house(16 taxa) the Sujoldang(14), the Mucheondang(13), and the Sangchunheon (12). High appearance rate of ornamental exotic plants were Viburnum opulus for. hydrangeoides, Lycoris squamigera, Caragagna sinica and Magnolia denudata etc. Based on the Hangae village, Seongju, that are designated total 62 taxa; followed by the Jinsa house(35 taxa), the Gyori house(25), the Hanju head family house(20), and the Hahoe house(16). Taxa with high appearance rates were Caragana sinica, Juniperus chinensis var. horizontalis, Magnolia denudata, Viburnum opulus for. hydrangeoides, Chaenomeles speciosa etc. 3. Problems of exotic plant landscapes in the outer spaces of the folk villages Problems of exotic plant landscapes in the outer spaces of the Hahoe village are as follows. In lower of the Mansongjeong forest, Ambrosia artemisifolia, which are ecosystem disturbance plants designated by the Ministry of Environment, live with high dominance value. This should be have a remove with Sicyos angulatus immediately. In the Nakdong river bed around the Mansongjeong forest is covered with a riparian vegetation forest belt of Robinia pseudoacacia L. forest, Populus nigra var. italic community, and Populus x tomentiglandulosa community colony. Based on the Yangdong village, the planted or naturally distributed Ailanthus altissima colony, sporadically distributed Robinia pseudoacacia as well as Amorpha fruticosa are detected all over the village and ecotones. Based on the Hangae village, Ailanthus altissima and Robinia pseudoacacia are sporadically distributed around the village and there is a sign of spreading. similarity of exotic plantsis 47.0% to 48.6% and a reason why this happened is all of research site in Gyeongsanbuk-do and that is why growth norm of plant is similar, exotic plant which is sales for ornamental and it infer to require related countermeasure of each villages and joint related countermeasure.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.449-468
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• 2000

The Ordovician Chongson Limestone deposited in the carbonate ramp to the rimmed shelf shows diverse diagenetic features. The marine diagenetic feature appears as isopachous cements surrounding ooids and peloids. Meteoric diagenetic features are recrystallized finely and coarsely crystalline calcite, evaporite casts filled with calcite, and isopachous sparry calcite surrounding ooid grains. Shallow burial diagenetic features include wispy seam, microstylolite, and dissolution seam whereas deep burial features include stylolite, burial cements. blocky calcite with twin lamellae, and poikilotopic calcite. Dolomites consist of very finely to finely crystalline mosaic dolomite formed as supratidal dolomite, disseminated dolomite of diverse origin, patchy dolomite formed from bioturbated mottles, and saddle dolomite of burial origin. Silicified features include calcite-replacing quartz and fracture-filling megaquartz. Burial cements characterized by poikilotopic texture show ${\delta}^{18}$O value of -10.4 %$_o$ PDB, ${\delta}^{13}$C value of -1.0%$_o$ PDB and 504ppm Sr, 3643ppm Fe, and 152ppm Mn concentrations. Finely and coarsely crystalline limestones show similar ${\delta}^{18}$O and ${\delta}^{13}$C value to those of burial cements; however, they show lower Sr and higher Fe and Mn concentrations than burial cements. This suggests that very finely and coarsely crystalline limestones were recrystallized in freshwater and then they were readjusted geochemically in the burial setting whereas the burial cements were formed in relatively high temperature and low water/rock ratio conditions. Very finely and finely crystalline mosaic dolomites with ${\delta}^{18}$O value of -8.2%$_o$ PDB, ${\delta}^{13}$C value of -1.9 %$_o$ PDB, and 213ppm Sr, 3654ppm Fe, and 114ppm Mn concentrations, respectively are interpreted to have been formed penecontemporaneously in supratidal flat and then recrystallized in the low water/rock ratio burial environment. Geochemical data suggest that the low water/rock ratio burial environment was the dominant diagenetic setting in the Chongson Limestone. The Chongson Limestone has experienced marine and meteoric diagenesis during early diagenesis. With deposition of Haengmae and Hoedongri formations part of the Chongson Limestone was buried beneath these formations and it experienced shallow burial diagenesis. During the Devonian the Chongson Limestone was tectonically deformed and subaerially exposed. During the Carboniferous to the Permian about 3.3km thick Pyongan Supergroup was deposited on the Chongson Limestone and the Chongson Limestone was in deep burial depths and stylolite, burial cements, blocky calcite and saddle dolomite were formed. After this burial event the Chongson Limestone was subaerially exposed during the Mesozoic and Cenozoic by three periods of tectonic disturbance including Songnim, Daebo and Bulguksa disturbance. Since the Bulguksa disturbance during Cretaceous and early Tertiary the Chongson Limestone has been subaerially exposed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.14-21
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• 2012

The object of the study, Yousang-Dae(流觴臺) and engraved Go broad text on the flat rock in Gangneung-si Yungok-myun Yoodung-ri Baemgol, reveals that the place was for appreciating arts like Yusang Goksu and Taoist hermit's games. three times of detail reconnaissance survey brought about the results as follows. There is a the text, Manwolsan(滿月山) Baegundongcheon(白雲洞天), engraved on the rock in Baegunsa(白雲寺) that had been built by Doun at the first year of King Hungang(in 875) of the United Shilla, became in ruins in the middle of Joseon, and then was rebuilt in 1954. The text is an invaluable evidence indicating that the tradition of Taoist hermit and Sunbee(classical scholars) culture has been generated in Baemgol Valley. According to the 2nd vol. of Donghoseungram(東湖勝覽), the chronicle of Gangneung published by Choi Baeksoon in 1934, there is a record saying that 'Baegunsa in Namjeonhyeon is the classroom where famous teachers like Yulgok Lee Yi or Seongje Choi Ok were teaching' that verifies the historic property of the place. In addition, the management of Nujeong(樓亭) and Dongcheon can be traced through Baegunjeong(白雲亭) constructed by Kim Yoonkyung(金潤卿) in Muo year, the 9th year of Cheoljong(1858) according to Donghoseungram and the completed version of Jeungboyimyoungji(增補臨瀛誌). Also, Baegundongdongcheon(白雲亭洞天), the text engraved on the standing stone across the stream from Yousang-Dae stone, was created 3 years after the Baegunjeong construction in the 12th year of Cheoljong(1861), which refers a symbolic sign closely related with Yousang-Dae. Based on this premise and circumstance, with careful studying the remains of 'Yusang-dae' Goksuro, we discovered that the Sebun-seok(細分石) controling the amount and the speed of moving water and the remains of furrows of Keumbae-soek(擒盃石) and Yubae-gong(留盃孔) containing water stream with cups through the mountain stream and rocks around Yusang-Dae. In addition, as 21 people's names engraved under the statement of 'Oh-Seong(午星)' were discovered on the bottom of the rock, this clearly confirms that the place was one of the main cultural footholds of tasting the arts which have characteristics of Yu-Sang-Gok-Su-Yeon(流觴曲水宴) until the middle of the 20th century. It implies that the arts tasting culture of Sunbees had been inherited centering on Yusang-dae in this particular place until the middle of the 20th century. It is necessary to be studied in depth because the place is a historic and unique cultural place where 'Confucianism, Buddhism, and Zen'were combined together. Based on the result of the study, the identification of 23 people as well as the writer of Yusang-Dae text should be carefully studied in depth in terms of the characteristics of the place through gathering data about appreciation of arts like Yusanggoksu. Likewise, we should make efforts to discover the chess board engraved on the rock described on the documents, thus we should consider to establish plans to recover the original shape of the place, for example, breaking the cement pavement of the road, additional excavation, changing the existing route, and so fourth.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.20 no.4 s.112
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• pp.27-38
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• 1981

오늘 저희에게 주어진 주제, 내일에 타당한 간호사업 및 간호교육의 향방을 어떻게 정하여야 하는가의 논의는 오늘날 간호계 주변에 일어나고 있는 변화의 실상을 이해하는 데서 비롯되어져야 한다고 생각하는 입장에서 먼저 세계적으로 건강관리사업이 당면한 딜레마가 어떠한 것이며 이러한 문제해결을 위해 어떠한 새로운 제안들이 나오고 있는가를 개관 하므로서 그 교육적 의미를 정의해 보고 장래 간호교육이 지향해야할 바를 생각해 보려 합니다. 오늘의 사회의 하나의 특징은 세계 모든 나라들이 각기 어떻게 전체 국민에게 고루 미칠 수 있는 건강관리체계를 이룩할 수 있느냐에 관심을 모으고 있는 사실이라고 봅니다. 부강한 나라에 있어서나 가장 빈궁한 나라에 있어서나 그 관심은 마찬가지로 나타나고 있읍니다. 보건진료 문제의 제기는 발달된 현대의학의 지식과 기술이 지닌 건강관리의 방대한 가능성과 건강 관리의 요구를 지닌 사람들에게 미치는 실질적인 혜택간에 점점 더 크게 벌어지는 격차에서 발생한다고 봅니다. David Rogers는 1960년대 초반까지 갖고 있던 의료지식의 축적과 민간인의 구매력 향상이 자동적으로 국민 건강의 향상을 초래할 것이라고 믿었던 순진한 꿈은 이루어지지 않았고 오히려 의료사업의 위기는 의료지식과 의료봉사간에 벌어지는 격차와 의료에 대한 막대한 투자와 그에서 얻는 건강의 혜택간의 격차에서 온다고 말하고 있읍니다. 균등 분배의 견지에서 보면 의료지식과 기술의 향상은 그 단위 투자에 대한 생산성을 낮춤으로서 오히려 장애적 요인으로 작용해온 것도 사실이고 의료의 발달에 따른 일반인의 기대 상승과 더불어 의료를 태성의 권리로 규명하는 의료보호사업의 확대로 야기되는 의료수요의 급증은 모두 기존 시설 자원에 압박을 초래하여 전래적 의료공급체제에 도전을 가해 왔으며 의료의 발달에 건 기대와는 달리 인류의 건강 문제 해결은 더욱 요원한 과제로 남게 되었읍니다. 현시점에서 세계인구의 건강문제는 기아, 영양실조, 안전한 식수 공급 및 위생적 생활환경조성의 문제에서부터 가장 정밀한 의료기술발달에 수반되는 의료사회문제에 이르는 다양한 문제를 지니고 있으며 주로 각개 국가의 경제 사회적 여건이 이 문제의 성격을 결정짓고 있다고 볼수 있읍니다. 그러나 건강 관리에 대한 요구는 영구히, 완전히 충족될 수 없는 요구에 속한다는 의미에서 경제 사회적 발달 수준에 상관없이 모든 국가가 공히 요구에 미치지 못하는 제한된 자원문제로 고심하고 있는 실정입니다. 또 하나의 공통된 관점은 각기 문제의 상황은 달라도 오늘날의 건강 문제는 주로 의료권 밖의 유전적 소인, 사회경제적, 정치문화적인 환경여건과 각기 선택하는 삶의 스타일에 깊이 관련되어 있다는 사실입니다. 따라서 오늘과 내일의 건강관리 문제는 의학적 견지에서 뿐 아니라 널리 경제, 사회, 정치, 문화적 관점에서 포괄적인 접근이 시도되어야 한다는 점과 의료의 고급화, 전문화, 일변도의 과정에서 소외되었던 기본건강관리체계 강화에 역점을 둔 다양하고 탄력성 있는 사업전개가 요구되고 있다는 점입니다. 다양한 건강관리요구에 적절히 대처할 수 있기 위한 그간 세계 각처에서 시도된 새로운 건강관리 접근과 그 제안을 살펴보면 대체로 4가지의 뚜렷한 성격들로 집약할 수 있을 것 같습니다. 그 첫째는 건강관리사업계획 및 그 수행에 있어 지역 사회의 적극적 참여를 유도하는 일, 둘째는 지역단위의 일차보건의료에서 부터 도심지 신예 종합병원, 시설 의료에 이르기까지 건강관리사업을 합리적으로 체계화하는 일. 셋째로 의료인력이용의 효율화 및 비의료인의 훈련과 협조 유발을 포함하는 효과적인 인력관리에 대한 제안과 넷째로 의료보험 및 각양 집단 의료유형을 포함하는 대체 의료재정 운영관리에 관련된 제안들을 들 수 있읍니다. 건강관리사업에 있어 지역사회 참여의 의의는 첫째로 사회 경제적인 제약이 모든 사람에게 가능한 최대한의 의료를 모두 고루 공급하기 어렵게 하고 있다는 점에서 제한된 정부재정과 지역사회가용자원을 보다 효율적으로 이용할 수 있게 하는 자조적이고 자율적인 지역사회건강관리체제의 구현에 있다고 볼 수 있으며 둘때로는 개인과 가족 및 지역민의 건강에 영향하는 많은 요인들은 실질적으로 의료권 외적 요인들로서 위생적인 생활양식, 식사습관, 의료시설이용 등 깊이 지역사회특성과 관련되어 국민보건의 실질적 향상을 위하여는 지역 주민의 자발적인 참여가 필수여건이 된다는 점 입니다. 지역 단위별 체계적인 의료사업의 전개는 제한된 의료자원의 보다 합리적이고 효율적인 이용을 가능하게 하며 요구가 있을때 언제나 가까운 거리에서 경제 사회적 제약을 받지 않고 이용할 수 있는 일차건강관리망을 통하여 건강에 관련된 정보를 얻으며 질병예방, 건강증진 및 기초적인 진료의 도움을 얻을 수 있고 의뢰에 대한 제2차, 제3차 진료에의 길은 건강관리사업의 질과 폭을 동시에 높고 넓게 해 줄 수 있는 길이 된다는 것입니다. 인력 관리에 관련된 두가지 기본 방향으로서는 첫째로 기존보건의료인력의 적정배치 유도이고 둘째는 기존인력의 역할확대, 조정 및 비의료인의 교육훈련과 부분적 업무대체를 들수 있으며 이러한 인력관리의 기본 방향은 부족되는 의료인력의 생산성을 높이고 주민들의 자조적 능력을 강화시킨다는 데에 두고 있음니다. 대체적 의료재정운영안은 대체로 의료공급과 재정관리를 이원화하여 주민의 경제능력이 의료수혜의 장애요소로 작용함을 막고 의료인의 경제적 동기에 의한 과잉치료처치에 의한 낭비를 줄임으로써 의료재정의 투자의 효과를 증대하는 데(cost-effectiveness) 그 기본방향을 두고 있다고 봅니다. 이러한 주변의료 사회적인 동향이 간호교육의 미래상에 끼치는 영향은 지대한 것이라 봅니다. 첫째로 장래 세계인구의 건강문제는 정치, 사회, 경제, 환경적인 의료권 밖의 요인들에 의해 더욱 크게 영향 받는다고 전제한다면 건강문제해결에 있어서도 전통적인 의료사업의 접근에서 더나아가 문제발생의 근원이 되는 생활개선이라는 차원에서 포괄적 접근을 생각하여야 하고 이를 위해선 정치, 경제, 사회전반에 걸친 깊이있는 이해과 주민의 생활환경에 직접 영향하는 교통수단, 통신망 mass media, 전력문제, 농업경영방법 및 조직적 사회활동 등 폭넓은 이해가 요구된다고 봅니다. 둘째로, 지역사회참여의 의의를 인정한다면 지역민의 자발적 참여를 효과적으로 유발시킬수 있고 의료집단과 각종 주민조직과 일반주민들 사이에서 협조적으로 일할수 있는 역량을 기르기위한 교육적 준비가 요구된다고 봅니다. 셋째로, 지역주민의 건강관리 자조능력 강화를 하나의 목표로 삼는다면 치료자에서 교육자로, 지도자에서 촉진자로, 제공자에서 지원자료의 역할의 변화 내지 다양화를 요구하게 될 것이므로 그에 대처할 수 있는 준비가 필요하다고 봅니다. 넷째로, 생각되어야 할 점은 지역중심건강관리사업을 지향하는 보건의료의 이념적 방향과 그에 상응하는 구체적 접근방법을 효율적으로 적용하기 위해서는 종횡으로 연결되는 의사소통체계의 정립과 민활한 정보교환이 이루어질 수 있어야 한다는 점에서 의사소통의 구심체로서 역할할 수 있는 역량을 함양해야 할 교육적 과제가 있다고 봅니다. 마지막으로 생각되어야 할 점은 지역중심으로 전개될 건강관리사업은 건강증진 및 질병예방적 측면과 질병진료 및 회복과 재활에 이르는 종합적이고 포괄적인 사업이어야 한다는 점에서 종래 공공 의료부문과 사설의료기관 사이에 나누어져 있던 예방의학과 치료의학의 통합 뿐 아니라 정부주축으로 이루어 지고 있는 지역사회개발사업 및 농촌지도사업과 종교 및 각종 민간인 집단이 벌이고있는 사업들과의 전체적인 통합적 접근이 이루어져야 한다고 생각하는 입장에서 종래 간호교육이 강조하지 않던 진료의 의무와 대외적 조직활동에 대한 보완적인 교육조치가 요구된다고 봅니다. 간호의 학문체계로서의 입장은 오랜 역사를 두고 논의의 대상이 되어왔으나 아직까지 뚜렷이 어떤 것이 간호 특유의 지식체계이며 건강문제에 관련하여 무엇이 간호특유의 결정영역이며 이 결정과 그 결과를 어떠한 방법으로 치료적 행위로 옮길 수 있는가에 대한 확실한 답을 얻지 못하고 있는 실정이라고 봅니다. 다만 근래에 제시된 여러 간호이론들 속에서 공통적으로 이야기되어지고 있는 개념들로선 우선 간호학문을 건강과 질병에 관련된 인간의 전인적이고 전체적인 상황을 다루는 학제적 과학으로서보는 입장이 있고 따라서 생물신체적인 면 외에 정신심리적, 사회경제적, 정치문화적 환경과의 상호작용 속에서 인간의 건강과 질병문제를 생각한다는 지향을 갖고 있다고 말할 수 있겠읍니다. 간호교육은 간호계 내적인 학문적, 이론적 체계화의 요구에 못지않게 대민봉사하는 전문직으로서의 사회적 책임을 감당해야하는 중요과제를 안고있어 변화하는 사회요구에 효과적으로 대처해 나가야 할 당면문제를 안고 있읍니다. 간효역할 확대, 보건진료원훈련 등 이러한 사회적 요구에 대응하려는 조치가 되겠읍니다. 이러한 시점에서 간호계가 분명히 짚고 넘어가야 할 사실은 이러한 움직임들이 종래의 의사들의 외업무공급을 연장 확대하는 입장에 서서 간호의 특수전문직 명목을 흐리게 할수있는 위험을 감수할 것인지 아니면 가능한 대체방안을 갖고 간호전문직의 독자적인 진로를 개척하면서 다각적인 도전을 받아들일 준비를 갖추든지 그 방향을 뚜렷이 해야할 일이라 생각합니다. 저로서는 이미 잘 훈련된 간호원들과 조산원들의 교육적, 경험적 배경을 기반으로 지역사회 최일선 건강관리요원으로 사회적 효능을 다 할수 있는 일차건강관리간호조직의 구현을 대체방안으로 제시하고 싶습니다. 간호원과 조산원들의 훈련된 역량과 건강관리체제의 구조적 변화를 효과적으로 조화시킨다면 대부분의 세계인구의 건강문제는 해결가능하다고 보는 입장입니다. 물론 정책과 의료와 행정적지원이 활성화되어지는 환경속에서만 그 기대하는 결과가 확대되리라는 점 부언하는 바입니다. 마지막으로 언급하고 싶은 점은 바로 오늘의 주제 ''교육의 동역자-선생과 학생''이라는 개념입니다. 특히 상회정의적 입장에서 보는 의료사업전개에 지역민 내지 의료소비자의 참여를 강조하는 현시점에 있어 교육자와 학생이 교육의 현장에서 서로 동역자로서 학습의 책임을 나누는 경험은 아주 시기적으로 적합하여 교육적으로 지대한 의미를 갖는 것이라고 생각합니다. 이에 수반되어져야 할 역할의 변화에 수용적인 자세를 갖고 적극 실제적용하려 노력하는 선생앞에서 자주적 결정을 행사해본 학생이야말로 건강관리대상자로 하여금 같은 결정권을 행사할수 있도록 촉구하여 주민의 자조적 역량을 기르고 의료사업의 민주화, 인간화를 이룩할 수 있는 길잡이가 될 수 있으리라 믿는 바입니다.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.